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within the same territory as being the essential endogenous cause of the conflict. In this context, the pattern of national identities in Northern Ireland is not unique, except for two important differences. First, in Northern Ireland national identity has a much greater influence on political preferences and outlooks than is the case in, for example, other parts of the United Kingdom. Identities continue
1 Changing notions of national identity: engaging with ethnicity As the Introduction made clear, since the early 1980s France has experienced an important period of significant political and social change. Many prevailing notions of national identity were redefined as the descendants of post-World War Two migrants to France (and especially those of Maghrebi heritage) came of age. Laws on nationality and citizenship were repeatedly revised, and controversy raged over measures that purportedly challenged the primacy of French republican universalism as well as
numerous programmes to change the economic structure of Korean society, including one to increase agricultural production, particularly rice, the main staple of the region. In addition, Japan put various cultural programmes into effect to demoralise Koreans as colonial subjects. Japan’s cultural control over Koreans aimed to root out their sense of national identity as demonstrated by the prohibition of the Korean language in
5 National identity and the English question The Conservative Party is the nationalist party par excellence. A Conservative Party which cannot present itself to the country as a national party suffers under a severe handicap. (Enoch Powell, quoted in Lynch, 1999: xi) Introduction The question of national identity, epitomised by the issue of European integration, has long been problematic for the Conservatives (Chapter 4). This chapter also explores the question of identity, through an examination of Conservative Party policy and discourse in two further areas
1 National identity and the ‘great divide’ According to Tom Nairn, ‘the reason why the dispute between modernists and primordialists is not resolved is because it is irresolvable’.1 This is because the two approaches place different emphases on different aspects of identity formation. Nairn described the so-called ‘Warwick debate’, between Anthony Smith and Ernest Gellner, as a ‘courteous difference of emphasis’.2 He insisted that the debate provided an inadequate set of approaches to the problem of nation formation and that there appeared to be little prospect
4 Contemporary accounts of Croatian national identity According to Benedict Anderson , ‘communities are to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in which they are imagined’.1 This chapter investigates how the Croatian nation was imagined in the 1990s. It focuses on four sets of accounts that attempted to provide contemporary resonance to the abstract frames of national identity discussed in the previous chapter. These accounts attempted to either interpret what it meant to be Croatian in order to secure support for a political
1 National identity and Britishness Analysis of national identity is overwhelmingly a process of deconstruction. But any study acknowledging the complexities of patriotic sentiment must also involve a process of reconstruction. In other words, it is one thing to label manifestations of nationalism as extremist, insular or derived from fallacious assumptions and quite another to examine their pervasiveness and appeal. The following discussion of national identity, envisaged as a series of leitmotifs rather than a rigid analytic structure, is designed to help
2504Chap2 7/4/03 12:38 pm Page 29 2 Contested national identities and weak state structures in Eurasia Douglas Blum Since their very inception, many of the Soviet successor states have been beset by ethnic violence, crime, trafficking – in arms, drugs and people – terrorism, poverty, pollution and migration.1 Most have also faced deeper problems of legitimacy and ideological drift. To a significant extent these pathologies can be traced back to the delegitimisation of the entire Soviet world view, and the lack of any viable replacement. The existence of an
G. M. DITCHFIELD 4 Church, parliament and national identity, c. 1770–c. 1830 1 G. M. Ditchfield There can be no doubt of the central nature of parliament in debates as to the religious nature of English, and increasingly of British, national identity between 1770 and 1830. The supremacy of statute law carried almost universal acceptance and attempts to influence parliamentary opinion dominated the efforts of those who sought to promote or resist ecclesiastical change. The belief that legislation could influence theological opinion was widespread. When
Since its emergence in 1947, the state of Pakistan has grappled with the challenge of constructing a national identity that either supersedes or incorporates various markers of linguistic, regional and ethnic identity. Following the partition of British India, Pakistan had to construct a shared sense of belonging for the various groups that fell within its borders and the millions of displaced individuals who flooded into the new state. It literally had to create a new Pakistani identity among individuals who, on the one hand, lacked a sense