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Between economic regulation and European cultural policy

This book explains how and why the European Union has started to intervene in the cultural policy sector—understood here as the public policies aimed at supporting and regulating the arts and cultural industries. It is a comprehensive account of the Communitarisation process of the cultural policy sector. Before 1992, no legal basis for EU intervention in the field of culture appeared in the Treaties. Member states were, in any case, reluctant to share their competences in a policy sector considered to be an area of national sovereignty. In such circumstances, how was the Communitarisation of the policy sector ever possible? Who were the policy actors that played a role in this process? What were their motives? And why were certain actors more influential than others?

José Luís Fiori

. As such, the system should be thought of as a ‘universe in expansion’, in which there never will be ‘perpetual peace’, nor ‘hegemonic utopia’. It is a universe that requires war and crisis to order and ‘stabilise’ – always in a transitory way – and sustain its necessarily hierarchical structures. ( Fiori, 2008 : 29–30) Those analysts who now announce the end of liberal order tend to predict a great confrontation between the Chinese hierarchical system, based on tributary relations, and the Westphalian system, based on national

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Arjun Claire

has come from the extraterritorial realm – the Mediterranean. In MSF, speaking out in recent years has also tended to be highly emotive, focused on immediate rights violations while overlooking the systemic challenges. Today, moreover, contexts where humanitarians can speak out with panache have remarkably shrunk. National sovereignties have tightened their hold on territories and, if not entirely on narratives, they clearly have honed their ability

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
The Politics of Information and Analysis in Food Security Crises
Daniel Maxwell and Peter Hailey

information systems should be government-led . One view is that anything less than this amounts to undermining national sovereignty and borders on the worst neo-colonial tendencies of the humanitarian community. However, it can also undermine the independence of the analysis. In fact, how leadership of these systems plays out is highly variable. In countries where conflict or civil war is a major driver of famine or food insecurity and governments are

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Rhiannon Vickers

the real world. These divisions are at the heart of this study, which argues that Labour never really came to an ideological agreement over how to be internationalist within an international system dominated by nation-states. Labour did not question the existence of a world of sovereign nation-states, but its internationalist perspective led it to look for ways to control relations between states and ameliorate the inherent conflict in the international system. The tension between national sovereignty and internationalism lay behind Vic00 10/23/03 3:53 PM Page 9

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Christian Kaunert

ask two important normative questions and examine the answers that the institutional structures give to both questions: (1) Should the EU be legislating in the AFSJ? (2) What are the main aims of EU legislation? The argument of this chapter is that, despite clear normative developments up to Tampere in 1999, decision-makers remained attached to the norms of national sovereignty. The AFSJ became coupled

in European internal security
Robert F. Dewey, Jr.

Three Years with Lord Beaverbrook (London, 1968); A. Wood, The True History of Lord Beaverbrook (London, 1965). Each author was either in the personal employ of Beaverbrook or employed by Beaverbrook Newspapers Ltd. Beaverbrook even reviewed the manuscripts of work by Driberg and Howard before publication. 14  A. Chisholm and M. Davie, Beaverbrook: A Life (London, 1992). 11  12  dewey.indb 42 19/12/2008 12:29:30 The Daily Express and the anti-Market campaign 43 British way of life and as part of a discourse on issues of national sovereignty, agriculture and

in British national identity and opposition to membership of Europe, 1961–63
Rhiannon Vickers

-war settlement needed to include international economic planning, for the world was ‘a single economic unit’. This needed to be combined with the establishment of an international organisation ‘possessing many powers hitherto exercised by a competing anarchy of national sovereignties’.72 The party focused on outlining Labour’s policies for after the war, setting up a committee to study the problems of post-war reconstruction on 6 August 1941, and drawing up Labour’s blueprint for the post-war international order. In the spring of 1942, the NEC issued an interim report on The

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Abstract only
Ben Cohen and Eve Garrard

the rape rooms, the torture chambers, the children’s jails, and the mass graves recently uncovered. This was the result which hundreds of thousands of people marched to secure. Well, speaking for myself, comrades, there I draw the line. Not one step. Let me now just focus on a couple of dimensions of this issue. Humanitarian intervention First, there is a long tradition in the literature of international law that, although national sovereignty is an important consideration in world affairs, it is not sacrosanct. If a government treats its own people with

in The Norman Geras Reader
Abstract only
Rhiannon Vickers

between states and ameliorate the inherent conflict in the international system: to replace the system of international anarchy with a world order that could create the framework for a world society.8 The tension between national sovereignty and internationalism lay behind many of the battles over Labour’ foreign policy, and the party often found itself unable to transcend national barriers in order to meet its commitment to internationalism. However, in recent years, with the end of the Cold War and the impact of globalisation, support for multilateralism appeared to

in The Labour Party and the world