Nationalism is perhaps the most powerful ideology of the last couple
of centuries. We attempt here to distinguish a number of varieties of
nationalism – liberal, reactionary and radical. There follows a
brief history of nationalism from the pre-Renaissance period to the
twentieth century, after which we consider whether nationalism as an
ideology serves particular political
Ongoing salience of nationalisms within diasporas
In the Canadian setting, a few
studies have highlighted the unique experiences of Caribbean-Canadians,
their relation to global geopolitics and racial discourses, and their
specific nation-of-origin differences. For example, Jamaicans in Toronto
are well known for their ongoing efforts to celebrate 1 August, the day
on which their nation of origin
Global white nationalism is a path-breaking transnational history of white
nationalism in the English-speaking world from the post-World War II period to
the present. Nine chapters from leading experts in the histories of Australia,
Britain, southern Africa, and the United States explore the roots of the
contemporary resurgence of white supremacy evident in terrorist violence and
electoral gains by the racist right. After 1945, this book shows, white
nationalism emerged across the English-speaking world as a response to the
forces of decolonization, civil rights, mass migration, and the rise of
international institutions such as the United Nations. Far from a disappearing
ideology, white supremacy proved resilient and adaptive. As opposition to
apartheid rallied anti-racists globally, apartheid and Rhodesian independence
sustained white nationalists who fantasized about bygone eras of imperial
British or American greatness. In the era of decolonization and civil rights,
white nationalists—those on the far right and those closer to the mainstream of
conservative politics—formed key connections with counterparts throughout the
world. Uncovering this transnational history for the first time, Global white
nationalism is essential to understanding white nationalism today.
Nationalism has reasserted itself today as the political force of our times, remaking European politics wherever one looks. Britain is no exception, and in the midst of Brexit, it has even become a vanguard of nationalism's confident return to the mainstream. Brexit, in the course of generating a historically unique standard of sociopolitical uncertainty and constitutional intrigue, tore apart the two-party compact that had defined the parameters of political contestation for much of twentieth-century Britain. This book offers a wide-ranging picture of the different theoretical accounts relevant to addressing nationalism. It briefly repudiates the increasingly common attempts to read contemporary politics through the lens of populism. The book explores the assertion of 'muscular liberalism' and civic nationalism. It examines more traditional, conservative appeals to racialised notions of blood, territory, purity and tradition as a means of reclaiming the nation. The book also examines how neoliberalism, through its recourse to discourses of meritocracy, entrepreneurial self and individual will, alongside its exaltation of a 'points-system' approach to the ills of immigration, engineers its own unique rendition of the nationalist crisis. There are a number of important themes through which the process of liberal nationalism can be documented - what Arun Kundnani captured, simply and concisely, as the entrenchment of 'values racism'. These include the 'faux-feminist' demonisation of Muslims.
How has it been possible for Irish political leaders to not just accept but actively promote two of the largest challenges to Irish nation-statehood: the concession of sovereignty to the European Union (EU) and the retraction of the constitutional claim over Northern Ireland? This book argues that, rather than indicating a pragmatic retreat, such decisions (and their justification on the public stage) reveal the unique power and enduring relevance of nationalism to Irish and European politics today. As a detailed study of official discourse in twentieth-century Ireland, it traces the ways in which nationalism can be simultaneously redefined and revitalised through European integration. The text moves from an overview of the origins and development of Irish official nationalism to analyse the connections between its response to profound internal and external challenges to Irish nation-statehood. The genius of the Irish approach to such challenges has been to employ innovative EU-inspired concepts in finding agreement with and within Northern Ireland, whilst simultaneously legitimising further European integration on the grounds that it fulfils traditional nationalist ideals. Thus, Irish political leaders have been successful in not only accommodating potent nationalist and pro-European discourses, but in making them appear complementary. The book concludes with an assessment of likely changes in this symbiotic relationship in the post-EU enlargement, post-Celtic Tiger era.
English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere is the first sustained research that examines the inter-relationships between English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere. Much initial analysis of Brexit concentrated on the revolt of those ‘left behind’ by globalisation. English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere analyses the elite project behind Brexit. This project was framed within the political traditions of an expansive English nationalism. Far from being parochial ‘Little Englanders’, elite Brexiteers sought to lessen the rupture of leaving the European Union by suggesting a return to trade and security alliances with ‘true friends’ and ‘traditional allies’ in the Anglosphere. Brexit was thus reassuringly presented as a giant leap into the known. Legitimising this far-reaching change in British and European politics required the re-articulation of a globally oriented Englishness. This politicised Englishness was underpinned by arguments about the United Kingdom’s imperial past and its global future advanced as a critique of its European present. When framing the UK’s EU membership as a European interregnum followed by a global restoration, Brexiteers both invoked and occluded England by asserting the wider categories of belonging that inform contemporary English nationalism.
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Irishness and nationalisms
Many traditional historical and literary studies of Irish nationalism insist on its
unique characteristics. Some focus on the unusual mixture of ethnic and civic ideas
that have historically underpinned nationalist narratives and practices in Ireland.
Others point out the uncommon tendency for Irish nationalism to incorporate
both left and right of the political spectrum. Many emphasise the distinct colonial
legacy, the unusual geographic
the name of the nation, and states have disintegrated into bitterness and
conflict as a result.
Nationalism can be very exclusive. Much of the thinking
described in this chapter prizes a solidarity that is strong yet socially
inclusive. In section 1 the issue of solidarity will be explained.
Nationalists argue that solidarity derived from ‘thin’ concepts
like ‘justice’ and ‘utility’ cannot bind people to
We must admit, once and for all … that cinema, politically oppositional or not, is politics.
With Z (1969), Costa-Gavras created a nationalist response to the decade-long political abuses in Greece. Thematically, Z concerns conflicting tenets about left-wing and right-wing nationalism and their struggles for political dominance in Greece during the 1960s. The film also alludes to nationalistic upheavals and assassinations occurring in the contemporary Cold War world of the 1960s. Z , an adaptation of
Black Atlantic nationalism:
Sol Plaatje and W.E.B. Du Bois
The critical era of black Atlanticism began in 1993, with the publication
of Paul Gilroy’s seminal book The Black Atlantic.1 The book’s focus on the
cultural, political and economic relations of Africa, Europe and the New
World was not original. Such a focus has been the concern of African and
African diasporic thinkers from at least Equiano onwards.2 Rather, what
distinguished Gilroy’s work was its theoretical and political thrust. This
was firmly anti