How has it been possible for Irish political leaders to not just accept but actively promote two of the largest challenges to Irish nation-statehood: the concession of sovereignty to the European Union (EU) and the retraction of the constitutional claim over Northern Ireland? This book argues that, rather than indicating a pragmatic retreat, such decisions (and their justification on the public stage) reveal the unique power and enduring relevance of nationalism to Irish and European politics today. As a detailed study of official discourse in twentieth-century Ireland, it traces the ways in which nationalism can be simultaneously redefined and revitalised through European integration. The text moves from an overview of the origins and development of Irish official nationalism to analyse the connections between its response to profound internal and external challenges to Irish nation-statehood. The genius of the Irish approach to such challenges has been to employ innovative EU-inspired concepts in finding agreement with and within Northern Ireland, whilst simultaneously legitimising further European integration on the grounds that it fulfils traditional nationalist ideals. Thus, Irish political leaders have been successful in not only accommodating potent nationalist and pro-European discourses, but in making them appear complementary. The book concludes with an assessment of likely changes in this symbiotic relationship in the post-EU enlargement, post-Celtic Tiger era.
English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere is the first sustained research that examines the inter-relationships between English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere. Much initial analysis of Brexit concentrated on the revolt of those ‘left behind’ by globalisation. English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere analyses the elite project behind Brexit. This project was framed within the political traditions of an expansive English nationalism. Far from being parochial ‘Little Englanders’, elite Brexiteers sought to lessen the rupture of leaving the European Union by suggesting a return to trade and security alliances with ‘true friends’ and ‘traditional allies’ in the Anglosphere. Brexit was thus reassuringly presented as a giant leap into the known. Legitimising this far-reaching change in British and European politics required the re-articulation of a globally oriented Englishness. This politicised Englishness was underpinned by arguments about the United Kingdom’s imperial past and its global future advanced as a critique of its European present. When framing the UK’s EU membership as a European interregnum followed by a global restoration, Brexiteers both invoked and occluded England by asserting the wider categories of belonging that inform contemporary English nationalism.
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The origins of official Irish nationalism
The establishment of an independent Irish state was severely complicated
by the fact that there was not an Irish nationalism seeking an Irish
nation-state as such but rather a range of nationalisms competing for
political space and influence in Ireland. The three core versions of nationalism – unionist, constitutional and republican – fostered different conceptions of the meaning and implications of Ireland’s identity, borders
and governance and consequently
Nationalism is perhaps the most powerful ideology of the last couple
of centuries. We attempt here to distinguish a number of varieties of
nationalism – liberal, reactionary and radical. There follows a
brief history of nationalism from the pre-Renaissance period to the
twentieth century, after which we consider whether nationalism as an
ideology serves particular political
Ongoing salience of nationalisms within diasporas
In the Canadian setting, a few
studies have highlighted the unique experiences of Caribbean-Canadians,
their relation to global geopolitics and racial discourses, and their
specific nation-of-origin differences. For example, Jamaicans in Toronto
are well known for their ongoing efforts to celebrate 1 August, the day
on which their nation of origin
This book considers Northern Ireland’s constitutional nationalist tradition in the years leading up to the outbreak of the Troubles. Starting in 1932, the year in which the nationalist party the National League of the North walked out of the Northern Ireland parliament, and ending in 1970, when the Nationalist Party was eclipsed by a new generation of civil rights activists, it presents an account of the diverse political parties, organisations, and activists that sought to redress Catholic grievances and pursue the nationalist political goal of Irish unity through constitutional means. The book traces the emergence of anti-partitionism as a major preoccupation of constitutional nationalist groups and parties that existed in the period and critically examines a range of strategies which were intended both to galvanise Catholic support and to move closer to the goal of Irish unity. It assesses the context of these strategies as well as their outcomes and consequences. The fragmentary nature of Northern nationalism, the divisions between its rural Catholic conservative and urban secular labourist elements, and its strategic divide between parliamentary abstentionism and active participation, are all evaluated; so too are the problematic relationships that existed between Northern nationalists and successive Irish governments, and the continued challenges posed by militant Irish republicanism. Finally, this book explores developments in the 1960s when a liberal minority within constitutional nationalism called for a modernised politics and a new relationship between Nationalism and Unionism.
The book explores the politics of the most important Irish nationalist leader of his generation, and one of the most influential figures of twentieth-century Ireland, the Nobel Peace Prize winner John Hume. Given his central role in the reformulation of Irish nationalist ideology, and the vital part he played in drawing violent republicanism into democratic politics, it shows Hume to be one of the chief architects of the Northern Ireland peace process, and a key figure in the making of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. At the same time, the book considers Hume's failure in what he stated to be his foremost political objective: the conciliation of the two communities in Northern Ireland.
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Irishness and nationalisms
Many traditional historical and literary studies of Irish nationalism insist on its
unique characteristics. Some focus on the unusual mixture of ethnic and civic ideas
that have historically underpinned nationalist narratives and practices in Ireland.
Others point out the uncommon tendency for Irish nationalism to incorporate
both left and right of the political spectrum. Many emphasise the distinct colonial
legacy, the unusual geographic
the name of the nation, and states have disintegrated into bitterness and
conflict as a result.
Nationalism can be very exclusive. Much of the thinking
described in this chapter prizes a solidarity that is strong yet socially
inclusive. In section 1 the issue of solidarity will be explained.
Nationalists argue that solidarity derived from ‘thin’ concepts
like ‘justice’ and ‘utility’ cannot bind people to
We must admit, once and for all … that cinema, politically oppositional or not, is politics.
With Z (1969), Costa-Gavras created a nationalist response to the decade-long political abuses in Greece. Thematically, Z concerns conflicting tenets about left-wing and right-wing nationalism and their struggles for political dominance in Greece during the 1960s. The film also alludes to nationalistic upheavals and assassinations occurring in the contemporary Cold War world of the 1960s. Z , an adaptation of