Developed through a series of encounters with a Bosnian Serb soldier Stojan Sokolović, this book is a meditation on the possibilities and limitations of responding to the extreme violence of the Bosnian war. It explores the ethics of confronting the war criminal and investigates the possibility of responsibility not just to victims of war and war crimes, but also to the perpetrators of violence. The book explains how Stojan Sokolović attenuated the author to the fact that he was responsible, to everyone, all the time, and for everything. It exposes the complexity of the categories of good and evil. Silence is also the herald of violence, or its co-conspirator. The author and Stojan Sokolović were trapped in violence, discursive and material, and discursive that leads to material, and material that emanates from and leads back to discursive. Two years after beginning his research into identity and the politics of conflict in Bosnia and Kosovo, the author got the opportunity to visit the region presented itself. According to the vast majority of the literature of the 1990s on Bosnia, it was clear that the biggest problem with nationalist violence and intolerance was to be found in Republika Srpska. The book is the author's discourse on a variety of experiences, including those of ethics, politics, disasters, technologies, fieldwork, adventure tourism, and dilemmas.
The history of relief work is in its infancy. This book draws on new archival research to reveal the priorities of nineteenth-century relief workers, and the legacies of their preoccupations for relief work today. It first explores the inauguration of the British National Society for Aid to the Sick and Wounded in War (NAS) at the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War in 1870 under the figurehead of Loyd Lindsay. Then, the book sees the revival of the NAS for work in the Balkans during a period of nationalist violence and Ottoman counter-insurgency which culminated in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878. It also follows the staff of relief committees as they dispensed aid in British colonial wars. The book examines the critiques of British policy in the Boer War (1899-1902) emanating from intersecting circles of Quakers, New Liberals and ethicists, and considers these groups' offer of aid to Boer civilians. Further, the book concentrates on the methodologies of relief for Boer inmates of British concentration camps in South Africa and on the implications of this relief for its intended recipients during and after the war. It concentrates on aid to British soldiers. The book closes by tracing continuities in vocational practices and dispositions to emerging areas of concern in the post-war period, in particular child welfare, and briefly considers their implication for relief work today.
The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.
these the most proliﬁc and prominent have been the philosopher
Fernando Savater and the literary critic Jon Juaristi.7 I have argued elsewhere that Juaristi’s highly personalised history of Basque nationalism,
as developed in his best-selling book El bucle melancólico,8 betrays a
privileging of patriarchal political lineages and a denigration of the feminine – including the association of femininity with the worst excesses of
radical nationalistviolence – that mirror in signiﬁcant ways the gender
politics of Basque nationalism.9 Similarly
La caza/The Hunt and El jardín de las delicias/The Garden of
sublimated aggression of the outwardly timid Franco.’ (Preston, 2000 : 65) It is not therefore surprising that the theme of hunting emerges in a number of oppositional films produced in Spain, notably Furtivos/Poachers (José Luis Boras, Spain, 1975), and La escopeta nacional/National Shotgun (García Berlanga, Spain, 1978). In The Hunt, the veterans’ activities and the hunt’s increasingly violent nature invite parallels with Nationalistviolence during the civil war and with the repressive post-civil war dictatorship. References to a non-specified previous war are
-Indian lights, for Indian women similarly to engage in
imperial politics on violent terms.
The threat of nationalistviolence even penetrated the
sanctum of the Anglo-Indian bungalow. Olivia Hamilton, the wife of a
Forest Service officer, slept with a gun under her pillow whenever
violent political disturbances threatened. 85 Living in Sind in 1918,
which she described as ‘the edge of a
carried out. Military
Male warriors and homefront heroines
actions and fathering children belonged to different aspects of activist
life, yet both involved in their own way the reproduction of radical
nationalism and nationalistviolence.
These competing yet ultimately complementary forms of masculinity
appear with particular persistence in the memories of the second narrator (#17) above. This interview communicates more than any other the
emotional and political intensities of life of the exile community in France
during the late 1970s and early 1980s. Since I
State–society relations and conflict in post-socialist Transcaucasia
350 enterprise managers in Georgia, cited in
Kaufmann, Pradhan ans Ryterman (1998).
12 Fieldnotes, Sagarejo, 3 September 1999 and Baghdati, 5 October 1999.
Anderson, B. (1996), Die Erﬁndung der Nation. Zur Karriere eines folgenreichen Konzeptes,
Barkey, K. (1994), Bandits and Bureaucrats. The Ottoman Route to State Centralization
Brubaker, R. and D. D. Laitin (1998), ‘Ethnic and nationalistviolence’, Annual Review of
Sociology, 24, 423–452.
Christophe, B. (1997a), ‘Nation und Nationalismus in Litauen
still not the case for many French citizens.) In Marseilles a few years later, I interacted with high schoolers who were children of harki s, and who were torn between Algerian nationalistviolence and the upfront racism of their supposed French compatriots. I was then able to grasp the scale of a terrible waste. Unsurprisingly, the internal convulsions of the French national fabric would soon become its echo chamber. In 2005, it was only natural for me to sign the call of the “Indigenous of the Republic” movement, as it was to publish in the first five issues of
that threatened British women in India, such as terrorism,
mob violence and dacoity . Like the three Mutiny novels
discussed above, books about the dangers of nationalistviolence in
India depict strong women proceeding with their lives calmly and
bravely despite the constant threat of violence.
The Sword and the Spirit , by Beatrice
Sheepshanks, evokes themes of men’s impotence