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The book explores the politics of the most important Irish nationalist leader of his generation, and one of the most influential figures of twentieth-century Ireland, the Nobel Peace Prize winner John Hume. Given his central role in the reformulation of Irish nationalist ideology, and the vital part he played in drawing violent republicanism into democratic politics, it shows Hume to be one of the chief architects of the Northern Ireland peace process, and a key figure in the making of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. At the same time, the book considers Hume's failure in what he stated to be his foremost political objective: the conciliation of the two communities in Northern Ireland.

Author: Guy Austin

In terms of the so-called 'clash of civilisations' after '9/11', Islamic states such as Algeria have too often been perceived in the West as 'other' and hence as threatening. This book, via an analysis of cinema, provides a discussion on some misunderstandings and assumptions about Algeria, which remains to a large extent underrepresented or misrepresented in the UK media. It is about Algerian national cinema and illuminates the ways in which the official mythologising of a national culture at the 'centre' of the postcolonial state has marginalised the diverse identities within the nation. Tahia ya didou occupies a pivotal position between fiction and documentary, capturing the hectic modernization of the Boumediene era while reflecting back on the aftermath of historical trauma. La Citadelle presents gender differences as culturally engrained and patriarchal power as secure. Youcef, Bab El-Oued City and Rome plutôt que vous present differing visions of how a Freudian melancholia in the shadow of a crushed revolt might relate to Algerian experience after Black October. Lettre à ma soeur listens to the voices of the subaltern; the film is a sense of re-emergence that follows the initial insurgency of Nabila's activism, the trauma of her killing and the subsequent years of silence and self-imposed incarceration.

Thomas Fetzer

nationalism through the ‘banal’ everyday framing of concerns and aspirations in terms which reflect traditional rhetoric of nationalist ideology. Following Anthony Smith’s influential definition, nationalist ideology is understood as embodying a set of three core ideals, namely national identity, autonomy and unity (2001: 24–8). In line with scholarship on contemporary nationalism (see, for example, Finlayson, 1998 ; Edensor, 2002 ), trade union appropriations of

in Paradoxes of internationalization
Siniša Maleševic

29/07/2014 09:26 Page 11 Irishness and nationalisms 11 Europe and further afield. Irish nationalist ideologies and movements have originated and developed in a similar historical period and under similar structural conditions to other European nationalisms. Instead of approaching Irish nationalism as a distinct species, its emergence and development makes sociological sense only when viewed as a part of the broader pan-European and ultimately world processes. Secondly I contest the idea that nationalism in Ireland is experiencing a gradual decline. On the

in Are the Irish different?
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Claire Sutherland

show how heroes function as the embodiment of national unity and pride. Benedict Anderson ( 1991 , 163) writes that ‘in the “nation-building” policies of the new states one sees both a genuine, popular nationalist enthusiasm, and a systematic, even Machiavellian, instilling of nationalist ideology through the mass media, the educational system, administrative regulations, and so forth’. The chapter

in Soldered states
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Algerian national cinemas
Guy Austin

all, different critical resources that people have brought to bear on conditions of domination and injustice’ (Colonna 2009 : 89, italics in original). Despite the nationalist ideology aimed at erasing difference in the independent post-colonial Algeria, the nation remains a site of multiple audiences, including those resistant to official histories and determined to make their own. The centre beyond which these margins seek to speak is

in Algerian national cinema
Homer B. Pettey

of the junta, and that epilogue serves as a coda to the Lambrakis assassination. In addition to recasting the political tale of Lambrakis's political murder, its subsequent intense investigation, and the Colonels’ coup d’état , Costa-Gavras's Z recounts the rise of nationalism and, ironically, feels the effects of industry nationalism associated with the film's production and distribution. In that sense, Z itself became caught up in the ever-present intrigue of conflicting nationalist ideology and practices. Economic and political contexts help

in The films of Costa-Gavras
Open Access (free)
The male leader’s autobiography and the syntax of postcolonial nationalism
Elleke Boehmer

postcolonial nation(-to-be), including the interconnection of nationalist ideology and gender politics. Of particular interest here will be the way in which the leader’s autobiography helps legitimate the gender specifics of the nation. Where the leader’s individual selfhood is equated with the nation’s collective identity, key nationalist touchstones like pride and loyalty are represented as predominantly a matter for men. Benedict Anderson and Timothy Brennan have spoken of particular kinds of texts, especially the novel, as tightly associated with the composition of

in Stories of women
Gerry Fitt and the evolution of nationalist politics in Northern Ireland, 1959–69
Sarah Campbell

) inferiority and discrimination than was the case in the past’.4 Old nationalism In order to re-evaluate and re-examine the emergence and formation of the SDLP and to determine what role it, and Gerry Fitt, played in the revision of Irish nationalist ideology, it is important to place the party in its historical context and appreciate the changes in nationalist thinking, notably in Northern Ireland, that predated and helped to shape the SDLP’s inaugural statement of policies in August 1970. In spite of the fact that for almost fifty years the Nationalist Party was regarded

in Gerry Fitt and the SDLP
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Tim Allender

Vibrant networks of interaction that ebbed and flowed during the entire colonial period powerfully directed the learning of women and girls in India. Strong race and class agendas also lay behind the raj’s seemingly benign claim to be elevating female education. Femininity and the condition of the female body remained important in the formation of respective colonial and nationalist ideologies, even in the aftermath of General Dyer’s massacre at Amritsar in 1919 and after the publication of journalist Catherine Mayo’s Mother India in 1927. Different cultural precursors, on both sides of the nationalist struggle, drove the interaction and signified the irreconcilable nature of colonial rule itself. Eurasian women and girls, once valorised as the recipients of colonial beneficence, slipped from view. Curry was now served at government house while some elite Indian women kept on the forms and protocols of the club, which had once excluded them based on their race. Only around the central dynamic of political struggle did some European women embrace the liminality of the Indian household and the ashram to become Eastern ascetics and the followers of Indian gurus. While Indian feminism and female nationalist agitation were inspired by largely non-Western agendas and Indian national culture.

in Learning femininity in colonial India, 1820–1932