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Imogen Richards

This chapter establishes a frame of inquiry through which the dialectical engagements of the anti-capitalist posturing and quasi-capitalist practices of the neo-jihadist organisations, Al Qaeda and Islamic State, are investigated in later chapters. In doing so, it provides a brief history of neoliberalism, extending from the US and UK administrations of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, beginning in 1979 and 1980 respectively. It elaborates on neo-Marxist geo-economic theory presented by David Harvey, Bob Jessop, and Jamie Peck, in preparation to apply this theory to explain Al Qaeda and Islamic State’s respective geo-economic interests. Theories of neoliberalism, the forms of capital, and dialectics in Bourdieusian theory are also outlined, as is Bourdieu’s influence on the research design of the book. The final part of the chapter explains the data collection and methods of analysis used in the chapters, as well as the key sources used and research limitations.

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Propaganda and finance in Al Qaeda and Islamic State

Few social and political phenomena have been debated as frequently or fervidly as neoliberalism and neo-jihadism. Yet, while discourse on these phenomena has been wide-ranging, they are rarely examined in relation to one another. In response, Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism examines political-economic characteristics of twentieth and early twenty-first-century neo-jihadism. Drawing on Bourdieusian and neo-Marxist ideas, it investigates how the neo-jihadist organisations, Al Qaeda and Islamic State, engage with the late modern capitalist paradigm of neoliberalism in their anti-capitalist propaganda and quasi-capitalist financial practices. An investigation of documents and discourses reveals interactions between neoliberalism and neo-jihadism characterised by surface-level contradiction, and structural connections that are dialectical and mutually reinforcing. Neoliberalism here is argued to constitute an underlying ‘status quo’, while neo-jihadism, as an evolving form of political organisation, is perpetuated as part of this situation.

Representing differentiated, unique, and exclusive examples of the (r)evolutionary phenomenon of neo-jihadism, AQ and IS are demonstrated in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism to be characteristic of the mutually constitutive nature of ‘power and resistance’. Just as resistance movements throughout modern history have ended up resembling the forms of power they sought to overthrow, so too have AQ and IS ended up resembling and reconstituting the dominant political-economic paradigm of neoliberalism they mobilised in response to.

Social and cultural modernity beyond the nation-state

German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union. This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises, populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron.

Placing an emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism' is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity in the years since 9/11.

Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader readership concerned with the future of Europe

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William Morris’s News from Nowhere and Chaucer’s dream visions
John M. Ganim

centuries landscapes. Nathaniel Gilbert interprets the scene as emphasising the relationship between humans, the built landscape and the natural world, following on the theory of landscape developed by W. J. T. Mitchell, Anne Bermingham and others.17 As Florence Boos notes, ‘Soon afterwards, however, the impossibly beautiful dream dissolves. Guest becomes aware that he has become a kind of spectral presence: his new friends at the harvest-festival no longer recognize him’.18 For Boos, Ellen actually voices some of the positions of twentieth century neo-Marxism, from

in Contemporary Chaucer across the centuries
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Ben Jackson

Left increasingly found itself on the back foot. The Labour governments of 1964–70 and 1974–79 introduced significant political initiatives designed to advance an egalitarian agenda, but the work of these governments was ultimately constrained by the formidable political and economic crises that engulfed them. At the same time, and partly as a result of the perceived failures of the Labour governments of the 1960s and 70s, classical social democratic ideology also entered a period of Conclusion 225 profound crisis, as it was outflanked to the left by a resurgent neo-Marxism

in Equality and the British Left
Craig Berry

theory is now sedimentary; rather than explicating what globalisation is, scholars influenced by neoclassical theory concentrate on how to address the outcomes of globalisation, without considering whether their view of the process and its inherent utility is at fault (see for example Bhagwati, 2004). In contemporary social science, classical Marxism exists largely as caricature; most Marxist theorists can be more appropriately classified as neo-Marxist. Defined broadly, neo-Marxism is a densely populated intellectual territory among today’s political economists

in Globalisation and ideology in Britain
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Chinese representation at the Venice Biennale (1993–2003)
Estelle Bories

the distortion it can undergo in space-time.16 It should not be forgotten that the introduction of postmodern theories and deconstruction (jiegou, 解构) has had an important impact in China. The discovery of the works of Derrida (notably Spectres of Marx), Fredric Jameson and Arif Dirlik, as well as the adaption of their ideas to the Chinese context, contributed to the rethinking the history of Chinese modernity.17 In particular, the renewal of studies of Marxism (Neo-Marxism or New Marxism; in Mandarin, Xin Makesi zhuyi, 新马克思主义) since 1978 has constituted an

in Art, Global Maoism and the Chinese Cultural Revolution
From global economics to domestic anxiety in contemporary art practice
Tracy Fahey

State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning and the New International (translated 1994). It may seem a little surprising to use the lens of neo-Marxism to analyse this embodiment of the contemporary gothic home, but there are two valid reasons for using Spectres of Marx as a lens though which to view the ghost estates. One is Derrida’s idea that time does not exist in a simple

in Neoliberal Gothic
Shivdeep Grewal

with continuum i, the combination of elements comprising the worldviews of those found along continuum ii has been subject to a greater degree of change. The prevalence of productivism, whether Marxist or liberal in form, 8 rather than science as the complement to the aesthetic avantgarde that was the norm in the postwar era has come to be reversed. Advances in genetic 9 and information technologies, in particular, have captured the popular imagination in much the way that neo-Marxism did after the World War Two and the free market did

in Habermas and European integration
Tracing sources of recent neo-conservatism in Poland
Agnieszka Kościańska

: the product of many decades of ideological and cultural changes deeply rooted in Marxism and neo-Marxism endorsed by several feminist movements and the sexual revolution … According to this ideology, humans can freely determine whether they want to be men or women and freely choose their sexual orientation. This voluntary self-determination, not necessarily life-long, is to make the society accept the right to set up new types of families – for instance, families built on homosexual relations. (Shepherds of the Catholic

in Intimacy and mobility in an era of hardening borders