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James Herbert, The Spear and ‘Nazi Gothic’
Nick Freeman

This article examines the ways in which James Herbert‘s The Spear (1978) attempted to combine nineteenth century gothic with the contemporary thriller. The novel deals with the activities of a neo-Nazi organisation, and the essay draws parallels between Herberts deployment of National Socialism and the treatment of Roman Catholicism in earlier Gothic texts. Contextualising the novel within a wider fascination with Nazism in 1970s popular culture, it also considers the ethical difficulties in applying techniques from supernatural Gothic to secular tyranny.

Gothic Studies
Sean Healy and Victoria Russell

-nationalist group. They received support from US far-right social media personalities such as Lauren Southern, Breitbart and various neo-Nazi sites, as well as Katie Hopkins ( Holthouse, 2017 ). The publicity helped the group raise $178,000, with which it hired a much larger vessel, the C-Star , to try again to block the Aquarius . The far-right activists were to discover that mounting an action ‘in real life’ was much harder than online

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
Klaus Neumann

Forest protesting against open-cut coal mining or demonstrate against the deportation of asylum seekers or disrupt a gathering of neo-Nazis. No doubt her appearance also helps explain the vitriol reserved for her by far right trolls. 20 Germans concerned about German, Italian and European asylum seeker policies but who would never join potentially violent protests can also embrace Rackete because she does not come across as a firebrand. In interviews, she is calm and her words are measured. Talking to German television station ZDF (2019) , she declined to comment on

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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Understanding Britain’s extreme right
Author: Paul Jackson

"Pride in Prejudice offers a concise introduction to the varied extreme right groups active in Britain. It looks to the past, in order to explore the roots of this complex movement, while focusing on the numerous groups and activists that make up Britain’s contemporary extreme right. This timely analysis examines the extreme right movement in terms of ideology and appeal, organisational styles, online and offline activism, approaches to leadership, types of supporters and gendered dynamics. Jackson also evaluates successes and failures in policy responses to the extreme right, and identifies the on-going risks posed by lone-actor terrorism.

Showcasing the latest research, Pride in Prejudice argues that Britain has never been immune from the extreme right, and demonstrates the movement has a long history in the country. It is made up of a wide variety of organisations, helping give this marginalised culture a diverse appeal and many are attracted for emotive as well as more rational reasons. While risks posed by the extreme right are manageable, Jackson concludes that this is only possible if we make ourselves aware of the ways the movement operates, and that by doing so we can also make multicultural liberal democracy more robust.

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Elisabeth Carter

embarking on a detailed examination of the different ideologies of the parties of the extreme right, a few words must be said about terminology. Party ideology 21 As the above discussion has shown, the term ‘extreme right’ is clearly favoured in this book, but a number of other authors have preferred to assign other terminological labels to the parties in question. Indeed, a plethora of terms has been used in conjunction with these parties. As well as being termed extreme right, these parties have been labelled fascist, neo-fascist, Nazi, neo-Nazi, totalitarian

in The extreme right in Western Europe
Culture, violence, and the transatlantic far right since the 1970s
Kyle Burke

recognize skinheads and befriend them,” he later boasted. 2 Along the West Coast, Metzger’s group recruited heavily at skinhead shows, building a loose network of militant followers. 3 By staging Aryan Fest, Metzger hoped to recruit more skinheads from other parts of the country, transforming them into the shock troops of a growing white power movement. Others thought the same. Neo-Nazi and white supremacist leaders from as far away as Idaho and West Virginia arrived at the Oklahoma compound with boxes of literature, T-shirts, posters, and recorded speeches. Between

in Global white nationalism
Ian Scott

least nineteen other participants, mown down by a car charging into crowds during the confrontations. 6 In the immediate aftermath of the violence Trump pointedly refused to condemn the outright racism and bigotry of the white supremacist/neo-Nazi activists that had chanted racist slogans and held Nazi swastika flags side-by-side with Confederate ones. A reluctant statement finally denouncing the KKK and Neo-Nazis by name followed, only for the president to not simply countermand his previous statement a few days later but go further than his initial remarks had done

in The films of Costa-Gavras
Věra Stojarová

:26). Issues with the terms Right and Left, however, are not the only terminological conundrum. Terminology related to the Far Right party family remains vague, and scholars have not been able to agree on common terms. Political parties and organizations of this type are labelled radical Right (e.g. Ramet 1999, Minkenberg 2008), extreme Right (e.g. Mudde 2000a, Mareš 2009), Right-wing extremist (Roberts 1994, Merkl and Weinberg 1997, Arzheimer and Carter 2006, Vejvodová 2008), neo-Fascist (Mammone 2009), neo-Nazi (Becker 1993), neo-populist (e.g. Betz and Immerfall 1998

in The Far Right in the Balkans
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Dave Rolinson

This chapter explores Alan Clarke's work for the ‘unmistakable individuality and authenticity’, which, as Mark Shivas (1990) argued, made him ‘a real auteur in a way that very few British directors are’. It combines a broadly chronological study of Clarke's dominant themes and approaches with an awareness of various contexts: the institutional contexts in which he worked, critical debates on television form and the methodological problems that arise when attributing authorship to a television director. Clarke gave a voice to those on the margins of society, whether empathising with victims of neglect and poverty in Horace (1972), Diane (1975) and Road (1987), or unflinchingly exploring the racism of Tim Roth's neo-Nazi Trevor in Made in Britain and the hooliganism of Gary Oldman's Bex in The Firm (1989). He portrays characters resisting the ‘discourses’ of the state, whilst avoiding imposing a discourse upon them by refusing narrative embellishment or inappropriate stylistics.

in Alan Clarke
Abstract only
Paul Jackson

the North Atlantic); overtly neo-Nazi groups such as the National Action Party and the British Movement ; and even shops linked to this broad movement in the 1980s, such as Rucksack ‘n’ Rifle, an outfit based in Wrexham that was set up by former British Movement leader Michael McLaughlin to target the survivalist movement. Several splinter groups from the National Front had emerged by this time

in Pride in prejudice