Let’s give our Marxist hearts a shock: capitalism was quite a success, at least in the
area of material reproduction, and it still is.
The end of history will be a very sad time.
This chapter considers the spectrum of neoconservative orientations found
along the base of figure 6.1. These are to be distinguished from the Old
Conservative3 and New Conservative intellectuals of chapter 5.
Even delimited in this way, neoconservatism remains a broad category,
stretching from advocates of technocracy, including
Let’s give our Marxist hearts a shock: capitalism was quite a
success, at least in the area of material reproduction, and it still is. (Habermas, 1981) 1
The end of history will be a very sad time. (Fukuyama, 1989 ) 2
This chapter considers the spectrum of
neoconservative orientations found along the base of figure 6.1. These
are to be distinguished from the Old Conservative 3
and New Conservative intellectuals of chapter 5 .
Even delimited in this way, neoconservatism
Neoconservative Hunters and Terrorist Vampires in Joe Ahearne‘s Ultraviolet (1998)
A consideration of the ways in which the discourse of monstrosity, once deployed against a political enemy, closes off open debate and undermine the values of those who argue that the ends needed to defeat them justify any means used. This article explores the parallels between the neoconservative rhetoric of the War on Terror with that of the vampire hunters in Joe Ahearnes television show Ultraviolet (1998), as both deny their enemies the status of political subjects. It offers a reading of the show in light of Slavoj Žižeks call to evaluate the arguments of both sides in such moralised conflicts.
, suggestions of ‘juridification’, the legal
consolidation of successive stages of social evolution, surfaced repeatedly in relation to
both the nation-state and EU. Also common were allusions to the ‘reflective welfare
state project’ ( 1994c ), the remedy proposed by Habermas in the
early 1980s for the side-effects of juridification.
In terms of cultural modernity, a recurrent feature of Habermas’s
journalism has been the critique of neoconservatism. Building on this, other conservative tendencies, which have
’, suggests Rich Johnston, ‘is the ultimate fantasy neocon, in that his
might makes right. And he is always fighting on the side of good, without unfortunate consequences such as insurgency, faulty intelligence or Guantanamo
Bay’ (cited in The Times, Times2, 11 July 2006). Johnston’s reference, however,
is to the Superman of Marvel comics rather than to Nietzsche’s altogether more
enigmatic figure, located beyond good and evil, whose possibility also enchanted
the intellectual masters of neoconservatism.
‘I teach you the Superman. Man is something that should be overcome
From its conception to the referenda of 2005 where it met its end, German philosopher Jürgen Habermas wrote in support of the European Constitution. This book is the first in-depth account of his project. Emphasis is placed on the conception of the European Union (EU) that informed his political prescriptions. This study engages with Habermas's thought as a totality, though attention is focussed on themes such as communicative rationality that began to surface in the 1970s. The first part of the book considers the unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism and the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe - 'Europessimism' is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that has assailed the project of modernity in recent decades with renewed intensity in the wake of 9/11. The final section looks at the conceptual landscape of the Constitutional Convention. The groundbreaking work of E. O. Eriksen, E. F. Fossum and others provides the most developed Habermasian account of the EU to date. Juridification is put forward as a metatheory of social modernity, and existing approaches from the corpus of European integration theory are drawn. Recent political theory confronts scholars of European integration with difficult questions. The social democrats who were interviewed had the opposite combination of opinions.
conclusion to part
The preceding two chapters have glimpsed the extraordinary span of experiences of renegades and ex-radicals since the beginning of the twentieth
century, including socialists who embraced – or collaborated – with fascism,
American former radicals who subscribed to anti-communism and (in some
cases) McCarthyism and neo-conservatism, as well as numerous former 1960s
radicals who ended up working for states to whose machinery of repression
they had previously fallen victim. The voyages – and the endpoints – have
undoubtedly differed but a
, Rumsfeld, Wolfovitz [ sic ]. Iraq was
always their pet project.” 4
The emotionalism exemplified in Daisy Perowne’s outburst,
reﬂecting the passions which affected even academic analysis of
the Bush foreign policy, tended to ignore or conﬂate the complex
and overlapping faction lines within the Bush administration. As will be
made clear below, neo-conservatism is a diverse intellectual movement
German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union.
This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second
edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new
preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises,
populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron. Placing an
emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political
prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the
unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the
subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the
latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and
the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part
addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism'
is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the
project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity
in the years since 9/11. Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages
with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international
relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise
and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and
professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader
readership concerned with the future of Europe
Madchester may have been born at the Haçienda in the summer of 1988, but the city had been in creative ferment for almost a decade prior to the rise of Acid House. The End-of-the-Century Party is the definitive account of a generational shift in popular music and youth culture, what it meant and what it led to. First published right after the Second Summer of Love, it tells the story of the transition from New Pop to the Political Pop of the mid-1980s and its deviant offspring, Post-Political Pop. Resisting contemporary proclamations about the end of youth culture and the rise of a new, right-leaning conformism, the book draws on interviews with DJs, record company bosses, musicians, producers and fans to outline a clear transition in pop thinking, a move from an obsession with style, packaging and synthetic sounds to content, socially conscious lyrics and a new authenticity. This edition is framed by a prologue by Tara Brabazon, which asks how we can reclaim the spirit, energy and authenticity of Madchester for a post-youth, post-pop generation. It is illustrated with iconic photographs by Kevin Cummins.