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The authors investigate the timing of insurgents’ use of terrorism within the context of wider-scale warfare. Unlike the great wars found in modern history, the dominant form of warfare in recent years has become internal. The main actors are non-state groups seeking to replace an existing political order through violent means. Terrorism, especially indiscriminate attacks on unarmed civilians, has been an important component of these groups’ tactical repertoires. The purpose of this study is to explore variations in the timing of insurgents’ use of terrorism within the context of war. The authors draw on the largely separate literatures on terrorism and warfare as well as complementary sources of data on terrorist events, insurgent groups, and various forms of armed conflict. The product of this analysis is a mapping of the frequencies of terrorist attacks over time and the identification of these attacks as occurring during the beginning, middle, or ending stages of wider-scale warfare. This is followed by in-depth discussions of the insurgent groups whose use of terrorism matches each of these patterns as well as the contexts within which these groups operate. Readers of this book will include students, scholars, policy-makers, members of the military, and the general public.
carried out at the direction of Russia. 20 A Russian analysis provides an alternative assessment. For Moscow, so-called ‘colour revolutions’ themselves are in fact ‘camouflaged aggression’, a new type of warfare in which the actions of an armed opposition are coordinated by foreign states’ military staffs rather
churning fear that they may be preparing for the wrong type of military engagement altogether. The conceptual challenges ahead – the ‘unimaginable’ parts of the futures equation – hang like a gaseous cloud drifting closer to the foreground (DCDC 2015 ; Rogers 2016b ). Anxiety about new types of warfare – a step change in the characteristics of war, as defined in Chapter 3 – come in different forms and at ascending levels of uncertainty. Western countries can be completely certain that they might have to
informational warfare (Blank, 2005). A new type of warfare was being waged in the post-Soviet space, based on “networks of organizations.” Civil organizations, movements, foundations, human rights activists, and the mass media are all named as actors that, through staging protests and pickets, conducting seminars and publishing articles and reports, seek to “deliberately destabilize the
8 Three individuals A new type of warfare demanded a new type of response. Amid the jagged and broken setting, the metaphorical usage of the overwhelming effect of man’s new and mechanised forms of warfare on the natural landscape became common. We have seen in Chapter 7 how this, in turn, could act as a trigger on some individuals to encompass a humanistic appreciation of the wrongness of war itself. An awareness of the conflict’s malign effects seemed to reach beyond the desolation of Nature. There now occurred a perceived alteration of the steady progress of
transnational terrorist networks, among them – have become equipped to carry out a type of warfare that is unconventional by today’s standards and to which states’ conventional armed forces have been less equipped to respond.150 In another influential commentary Mary Kaldor outlines the attributes of what she calls “new wars.”151 Kaldor asserts that the new type of warfare should be distinguished from its predecessors by three characteristics: its goals, methods, and finances.152 Kaldor’s new wars take place within rather than between the types of communities Huntington
outdated. Neutrality was absent as a subject in university courses and programmes and was increasingly viewed as irrelevant because of the UN Charter, economic interdependence, the rise of new types of warfare, and increasing ideological cleavages. The United Nations, the Cold War, and neutrality The experience of the League of Nations behind them, some neutrals were wary of plans
rights (ibid.: 24). Concretely regarding the Colombian case, the writings of Peter Waldmann (Waldmann, 2007 ; Waldmann and Reinares, 1999) shed light on this new type of warfare mainly driven by political terrorism and waged by non-conventional actors like warlords. In the same vein, the recently published work of Heidrun Zinecker (2007) offers a critical engagement with the thesis of ‘new wars’ in the
. In its attempt to create such credibility, the blueprints for nuclear destruction had to pervade society and culture and to win the battle over the hearts and minds of populations in Cold War societies and convince them that nuclear deterrence worked and was the only way to keep the Cold War ‘cold’. As Geyer clearly recognised, this making and unmaking of the credibility of nuclear destruction was in itself v3v Matthew Grant and Benjamin Ziemann a rhetorical strategy, and as such it was part and parcel of the use of the bomb to stand as metaphor for a new type of
investigations to be undertaken. In terms of early medieval militarisation, the starting point should be the largely militarised provincial societies of the late Roman Empire, a process that was significantly and decisively intensified inside the barbarian kingdoms, while the terminal point should be the ninth century, when new tendencies of professionalisation of the military, new recruitment modes and new types of warfare are attested throughout Europe. While the term ‘militarisation’ may be used to refer to a process by which state and society became