Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 77 items for :

  • "non-governmental actors" x
  • Refine by access: All content x
Clear All
Open Access (free)
The European Union and its member states

This book takes up traditional approaches to political science. It aims to offer a mixture of conventional and specific analyses and insights for different groups of readers. In view of the European Union's multi-level and multi-actor polity, the book highlights the complex procedural and institutional set-up of nation states preparing and implementing decisions made by the institutions of the European Community (EC). In looking at the emerging and evolving realities of the European polity, it shows how European institutions and Member States (re-)act and interact in a new institutional and procedural set-up. It explores how governmental and non-governmental actors in different national settings adapt to common challenges, constraints and opportunities for which they are mainly themselves responsible. The book discusses the Belgian policy toward European integration as a significant demonstration of its commitment to multilateralism and international co-operation in security and economic affairs. Attitudes to European integration in Denmark, Germany, Finland, Greece, and Spain are discussed. Tendencies towards 'Europeanisation' and 'sectoralisation' of the ministerial administration during the process of European integration and the typical administrative pluralism of the Italian political system seem to have mutually reinforced each other. Strong multi-level players are able to increase their access and influence at both levels and to use their position on one level for strengthening their say on the other. German and Belgian regions might develop into these kinds of actors. A persistent trend during the 1990s is traced towards stronger national performers, particularly in terms of adaptations and reactions to Maastricht Treaty.

Open Access (free)
Four Decisive Challenges Confronting Humanitarian Innovation
Gerard Finnigan
and
Otto Farkas

perspective of non-government actors involved in the implementation of humanitarian response programmes. The first challenge relates to the meaning of innovation itself and how the sector interprets and applies the action of innovating. The second challenge concerns the changing nature of humanitarian assistance. This article posits that humanitarian action is losing efficacy not because of poor design or implementation but due to the changing nature of the context that requires

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps
,
Lasse Heerten
,
Arua Oko Omaka
,
Kevin O'Sullivan
, and
Bertrand Taithe

space for the involvement of the non-governmental actors. For example, at the end of 1967, as they could not intervene directly, Unicef played a major role in prompting the ICRC to undertake relief activities. In other words, the trauma arising from the international community’s management of the Congo crisis participated in creating the conditions for what happened in Biafra. When the famine appeared on TV screens and the pressure in the public mounted, the UN and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Another awkward partner?
Karl Magnus Johansson

parliament. In addition, there are non-governmental actors such as interest groups, political parties and the media. Although there is an old tradition of local government, and renewed regionalisation, the Swedish unitary polity must be considered as relatively centralised compared to several of the other EU Member States, especially the federal or semi-federal states. In the making of Swedish policies towards the Union, the degree of centralisation is striking. However, there is a certain fragmentation at the central level insofar as there is an interministerial rivalry

in Fifteen into one?
Abstract only
Hugh Atkinson

. It argues that new and alternative forms of civic engagement are opening up at the local level driven by a range of government and non-government actors. These are reshaping the local space. The period under analysis starts with the election of the New Labour government in 1997 and covers the first year of the Conservative/Liberal Democrat coalition government that came to power in May 2010. The thirteen years of Labour government saw a seemingly never-ending stream of initiatives, the purported aim of which was to revitalise local democracy. The pace of reform was

in Local democracy, civic engagement and community
Open Access (free)
Governmental power and authority in democratic ecological governance
Lennart J. Lundqvist

legitimately binding long-term commitments for society as a whole. At the same time, the spatial dimension calls for multi-level governance, involving several governmental levels as well as non-governmental actors (see Hirst 2000:22 ff.). This logically calls for a diffusion of state authority, upward and/or sideways to the international level as well as downward to regional and local governmental levels. The scale of such a problem as climate change necessitates a global approach; ‘ecologism in one country’ is certainly not a sustainable option. The variation in eco

in Sweden and ecological governance

Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.

State-centred but organizationally fragmented
Andy Smith

actors who seek to affect the course of government and power relations within this polity (and indeed any other). In both cases, the omnipresence of the state does indeed play a heavy role. But the fragmentation of the social movements and parties made in France also have endogenous causes and deep effects. Non-governmental organizations as political enterprises As regards what I will label broadly here as ‘non-governmental actors’, it is important to clarify from the outset that what follows is interested less in the classic social science question of why

in Made in France
Uganda, Rwanda, Kenya and their donors
Julia Gallagher
and
V. Y. Mudimbe

manage their image at the international level. The main part of the chapter will then analyse how the governments of Paul Kagame in Rwanda, Yoweri Museveni in Uganda and Daniel arap Moi and Mwai Kibaki in Kenya have engaged in this practice, to varying degrees, over the last two decades 2 under three main headings: personalisation of diplomacy; use of public relations firms; and engagement with non-governmental actors and institutions. The extent to which activity or inactivity by these governments in this regard can be used to explain levels of international support

in Images of Africa
Four themes
Sam Warner

governing strategy promotes, i.e., how effective it is at constructing the perception among members of the public or sectional interest groups that the government is no longer primarily responsible for the policy area in question. If successful at the societal level, non-governmental actors or institutions will pick up the slack for the implementation and operation of policy. If individual over collective rights can be promoted, as was partially hoped for through the Act, controversial deliberations over workplace disputes could be gradually individualised

in Who governs Britain?