Authors: Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter

This book regards Arab Islamism and liberalism as distinct political ideologies with all-encompassing views on the structure and appropriate roles of society and the state. The thesis presented here on the different functions of Israel and Zionism within these two ideologies refers to a protracted period of time. It also establishes several generalizations about the actions of individuals and groups in a vast geographic and linguistic space. The book first offers a chronological overview of the Islamist ideological opposition to Zionism. It portrays the main characteristics of and driving forces behind this resistance and explores the different pragmatic approaches toward Israel that have developed in the various epochs of Islamist thought. The book then discusses Islamist depictions of Zionism and Israel as role models and analyses the reasons for the formation and acceptance of such interpretations. It also offers a chronological overview of the evolution of liberal thought with regard to the Zionist enterprise. It depicts the various perceptions of peace and normalization created within this thought and demonstrates the contradictory ways in which the Arab liberal struggle for freedom and democracy has been intertwined with the Israeli-Arab conflict. Finally, the book discusses liberal interpretations that represent Zionism and Israel as role models, and analyses the reasons for the formation and acceptance of such interpretations.

Conventional and alternative security scenarios
Roland Bleiker

peninsula for half a century. But the engagement approach, as currently practised, also displays more parallels with the confrontational policy than it seems at first sight. Given that the key leitmotif of normalizing political interactions on the peninsula is integrating North Korea into the world community, the idea is still one of absorption – not by force, but by gradual

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Transgender patients in early Swedish medical research
Julian Honkasalo

‘transsexuality’ during the 1960s and 1970s. As the adjective ‘intimate’ originates in the Latin verb intimare (to make known) and the noun intimus (inmost, innermost, deepest), I argue that the term is beneficial for historical research on trans agency, patient agency and the ways in which trans patients undergoing psychiatric evaluation produce value and knowledge about themselves and their communities in the midst of normalizing biopower. By intimate labour in this specific context, I mean activities such as providing self-narrative accounts that stem from lived

in Bodily interventions and intimate labour
Anca Mihaela Pusca

technologization of modern societies. Shock, technology and normalization practices The concept of shock has often been connected to modern technologies, particularly the technologies of war. Yet other apparently harmless technologies also add to the level of shock in modern lifestyles. Given that some of these technologies have become so integral to everyday existence, the element of shock associated with them has often been neutralized by what some have called normalizing technologies.21 In his article on shock in modernity, Tim Armstrong argues that modern shock does not

in Revolution, democratic transition and disillusionment
Ivan Evans

Southerners to normalize lynching as a form of divine retribution. At the core of this moral reasoning lay the idea of atonement through “blood sacrifice,” an event that resides at the heart of Christian theology. In Christian dogma, the ritual murder of Christ is the precondition for individual salvation and the event that unlocked the gates of heaven. Christ’s own violent execution therefore established the possibility of community in the afterlife. Mathews is not alone in arguing that lynching reinforced a similar sense of community amongst white Southerners. In making

in Cultures of Violence
Deaf people as objects of research, reform, and eugenics, 1900–1940
Marion Andrea Schmidt

economic productivity. These developments were marked, simultaneously, by an optimistic belief in uplifting and ‘normalizing’ people with disabilities via science, charity, and medicine, and by seeing them as portents of moral and social degeneration. In their own ways, both trends were marginalizing. In the age of the paternalistic expert and the social reformer, the individual agency of individuals with disabilities was increasingly limited. Non-conformance with social reform and professional intervention came to be marked as dangerous deviance, as a threat to the

in Eradicating deafness?
Doris Leibetseder

control and hence its normalization and regulation (Spade, 2011 ); the creation of bioprecarious situations for these selves through norms and regulations (Butler and Athanasiou, 2013 ); the role of intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1991 ) in creating these precarious positions; and, finally, how bioprecarity might be countermanded (Lorey, 2010 ; Shotwell, 2016 ; Weheliye, 2014 ). In all this I argue that bioprecarity, though built into the normatization of contemporary cultures, is not a foregone conclusion. Biopower: categories and control Being classified as

in Bodily interventions and intimate labour
Sexual violence and trauma in the ‘war on terror’
Joanna Bourke

‘human’ is entitled to. VII Finally, pathologizing some forms of sexual violence (such as the rape of men by women) has enabled other forms to be normalized. Debate about the rape of women in prisons (including Abu Ghraib) in Iraq is muted, for instance, as is analysis of enforced prostitution and (a shrewd oxymoron) ‘forced consent’ or sexual intercourse as a way to obtain food or shelter. The U.S. News and World Report even blamed the Abu Ghraib torture on ‘the lack of a reliable local brothel where male soldiers are able to unwind. Experts

in ‘War on terror’
Yehonatan Alsheh

Luhmann’s periodization of the emergence of modern functionally differentiated social systems).9 Rather than trying to discover the biology of politics, or the politics of biology, Foucault argued that one should study the historical development and deployment of multiple strategies and technologies for the political administration of biological life as normalized phenomena. For Foucault, biopolitics came to mean a new form of political power (added to his famous though fuzzy typology of sovereign power, pastoral power and disciplinary power),10 the object of which is

in Human remains and mass violence
Towards a critical turn?
Yongjin Zhang

: 18). What Li fails to note is an unexpected implication of China’s shift from revolutionary internationalism to conservative nationalism. China’s enthusiastic embrace of the ‘national interest’ as central in governing its foreign and security policy-making was meant to signal the changing world-view of a revisionist power and the ‘normalization

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific