This book regards Arab Islamism and liberalism as distinct political ideologies with all-encompassing views on the structure and appropriate roles of society and the state. The thesis presented here on the different functions of Israel and Zionism within these two ideologies refers to a protracted period of time. It also establishes several generalizations about the actions of individuals and groups in a vast geographic and linguistic space. The book first offers a chronological overview of the Islamist ideological opposition to Zionism. It portrays the main characteristics of and driving forces behind this resistance and explores the different pragmatic approaches toward Israel that have developed in the various epochs of Islamist thought. The book then discusses Islamist depictions of Zionism and Israel as role models and analyses the reasons for the formation and acceptance of such interpretations. It also offers a chronological overview of the evolution of liberal thought with regard to the Zionist enterprise. It depicts the various perceptions of peace and normalization created within this thought and demonstrates the contradictory ways in which the Arab liberal struggle for freedom and democracy has been intertwined with the Israeli-Arab conflict. Finally, the book discusses liberal interpretations that represent Zionism and Israel as role models, and analyses the reasons for the formation and acceptance of such interpretations.
peninsula for half a century.
But the engagement approach, as currently practised,
also displays more parallels with the confrontational policy than it
seems at first sight. Given that the key leitmotif of normalizing
political interactions on the peninsula is integrating North Korea
into the world community, the idea is still one of absorption
– not by force, but by gradual
Transgender patients in early Swedish medical research
‘transsexuality’ during the 1960s and 1970s. As the adjective ‘intimate’ originates in the Latin verb intimare (to make known) and the noun intimus (inmost, innermost, deepest), I argue that the term is beneficial for historical research on trans agency, patient agency and the ways in which trans patients undergoing psychiatric evaluation produce value and knowledge about themselves and their communities in the midst of normalizing biopower. By intimate labour in this specific context, I mean activities such as providing self-narrative accounts that stem from lived
technologization of modern societies.
Shock, technology and normalization practices
The concept of shock has often been connected to modern
technologies, particularly the technologies of war. Yet other
apparently harmless technologies also add to the level of
shock in modern lifestyles. Given that some of these technologies have become so integral to everyday existence, the
element of shock associated with them has often been
neutralized by what some have called normalizing technologies.21 In his article on shock in modernity, Tim Armstrong
argues that modern shock does not
Southerners to normalize lynching as a form
of divine retribution. At the core of this moral reasoning lay the idea of
atonement through “blood sacriﬁce,” an event that resides at the heart of
Christian theology. In Christian dogma, the ritual murder of Christ is the
precondition for individual salvation and the event that unlocked the gates
of heaven. Christ’s own violent execution therefore established the possibility of community in the afterlife.
Mathews is not alone in arguing that lynching reinforced a similar sense
of community amongst white Southerners. In making
Deaf people as objects of research, reform, and eugenics,
Marion Andrea Schmidt
economic productivity. These developments were marked, simultaneously, by an optimistic belief in uplifting and ‘normalizing’ people with disabilities via science, charity, and medicine, and by seeing them as portents of moral and social degeneration. In their own ways, both trends were marginalizing. In the age of the paternalistic expert and the social reformer, the individual agency of individuals with disabilities was increasingly limited. Non-conformance with social reform and professional intervention came to be marked as dangerous deviance, as a threat to the
control and hence its normalization and regulation (Spade, 2011 ); the creation of bioprecarious situations for these selves through norms and regulations (Butler and Athanasiou, 2013 ); the role of intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1991 ) in creating these precarious positions; and, finally, how bioprecarity might be countermanded (Lorey, 2010 ; Shotwell, 2016 ; Weheliye, 2014 ). In all this I argue that bioprecarity, though built into the normatization of contemporary cultures, is not a foregone conclusion.
Biopower: categories and control
Being classified as
‘human’ is entitled to.
Finally, pathologizing some forms of sexual violence (such as the rape of men by women) has enabled other forms to be normalized. Debate about the rape of women in prisons (including Abu Ghraib) in Iraq is muted, for instance, as is analysis of enforced prostitution and (a shrewd oxymoron) ‘forced consent’ or sexual intercourse as a way to obtain food or shelter. The U.S. News and World Report even blamed the Abu Ghraib torture on ‘the lack of a reliable local brothel where male soldiers are able to unwind. Experts
periodization of the emergence of modern functionally differentiated social systems).9
Rather than trying to discover the biology of politics, or the
politics of biology, Foucault argued that one should study the historical development and deployment of multiple strategies and
technologies for the political administration of biological life as normalized phenomena. For Foucault, biopolitics came to mean a new
form of political power (added to his famous though fuzzy typology
of sovereign power, pastoral power and disciplinary power),10 the
object of which is
What Li fails to note is an unexpected implication of
China’s shift from revolutionary internationalism to
conservative nationalism. China’s enthusiastic embrace of the
‘national interest’ as central in governing its foreign
and security policy-making was meant to signal the changing
world-view of a revisionist power and the