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A governmental analysis

Recent years have witnessed a burgeoning international literature which seeks to analyse the construction of health and health policy through an analytical lens drawn from post-Foucauldian ideas of governmentality. This book is the first to apply the theoretical lens of post-Foucauldian governmentality to an analysis of health problems, practices, and policy in Ireland. Drawing on empirical examples related to childhood, obesity, mental health, smoking, ageing and others, it explores how specific health issues have been constructed as problematic and in need of intervention in the Irish State. The book focuses specifically on how Jean Jacques Rousseau's critical social theory and normative political theory meet as a conception of childhood. The 'biosocial' apparatus has recently been reconfigured through a policy framework called Healthy Ireland, the purpose of which is to 'reduce health inequalities' by 'empowering people and communities'. Child fatness continues to be framed as a pervasive and urgent issue in Irish society. In a novel departure in Irish public health promotion, the Stop the Spread (STS) campaign, free measuring tapes were distributed throughout Ireland to encourage people to measure their waists. A number of key characteristics of neoliberal governmentality, including the shift towards a market-based model of health; the distribution of power across a range of agents and agencies; and the increasing individualisation of health are discussed. One of the defining features of the Irish health system is the Universal Health Insurance and the Disability Act 2005.

Zoltán Gábor Szűcs

much less fun than developing new classificatory schemes, but at least as relevant to the topic of this chapter as that. This book aims to contribute to the understanding of this experience from a specific, normative political theoretical perspective. As a study in normative political theory, this book’s ambitions could not be limited to merely describing and interpreting what it means to

in Political ethics in illiberal regimes
Abstract only
Lynn Dobson

crucially on the ultimate order of primary goods. It is essential to the moral justification of political power – institutionalised and legitimated as political authority – and thus to the EU’s standing as a political project. Citizenship, it will be argued, is a project of political justification. 6 SUPRANATIONAL CITIZENSHIP Method: normative political theory The political philosophical concepts relevant to citizenship in the EU (including the concept of citizenship itself) are all normative concepts. To prevent misunderstanding, let me clarify what normative

in Supranational Citizenship
Children’s health and biosocial power
Kevin Ryan

figure of the child, this was assembled at the intersection of the biological and the social, the medical and the moral, and to this day remains a way of acting through and upon life with a view to governing the future. This chapter begins by examining the writings of Jean Jacques Rousseau, focusing specifically on how his critical social theory and his normative political theory meet as a conception of childhood that would come into sharper focus during the nineteenth century, largely through the efforts of 26 Constructing health problems educationalists and

in Reframing health and health policy in Ireland
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Conceptions of power and an overview
Mark Haugaard

Barnes, Peter Morriss and John Searle), wider sociological theory (especially Jeffrey Alexander, Pierre Bourdieu, Émile Durkheim, Ernest Gellner, Anthony Giddens, Norbert Elias and Max Weber), philosophy (including J. L. Austin, William James, Thomas Kuhn, John Searle and Ludwig Wittgenstein), psychology (especially Erik Erikson and Stanley Milgram) and normative political theory (among others Rainer Forst, Jurgen Habermas, Phillip Pettit, Richard Rorty and John Rawls). To this I have added many years of my own musings upon the subject. As a result, the four dimensions

in The four dimensions of power
Author:

This book addresses the question of political legitimacy in the European Union from the much-neglected angle of political responsibility. It develops an original communitarian approach to legitimacy based on Alasdair MacIntyre's ethics of virtues and practices, that can be contrasted with prevalent liberal-egalitarian and neo-republican approaches. The book argues that a ‘responsibility deficit’, quite distinct from the often discussed ‘democratic deficit’, can be diagnosed in the EU. This is documented in chapters that provide in-depth analysis of accountability, transparency and the difficulties associated with identifying responsibility in European governance. Closing this gap requires going beyond institutional engineering. It calls for gradual convergence towards certain core social and political practices and for the flourishing of the virtues of political responsibility in Europe's nascent political community. Throughout the book, normative political theory is brought to bear on concrete dilemmas of institutional choice faced by the EU during the recent constitutional debates.

A realist interpretation

The book offers a novel – Williamsian liberal realist – normative political theoretical examination of the political-ethical experience of living in illiberal regimes. Starting with a critique of the predominant mode of normative political theory (the justificatory model), the first part of the book explains why such an examination should focus on the various normative contexts which shape political agency by providing people with reasons for action (e.g. ad hoc and general reasons, political rule, membership, political regime types, political offices, and political virtues). It also explains why the main concepts referring to various regime types in comparative politics are not perfectly suitable for such an examination. It is because their normative background assumptions of comparative politics show eerie resemblances to the justificatory model. Therefore, the book offers a neo-Aristotelian alternative to them which is more compatible with a realist enterprise. The second part of the book turns to the examination of three families of political offices and how they shape political agency in an illiberal regime in their own way: the office of elected magistrates, the office of people having some independent source of authority (civil servants, policy experts, judges), and the office of citizens. The main tenet of the book is that it is possible to be critical of illiberal regimes without insisting on the justificatory model and also that it is possible to appreciate the ethical seriousness of the experience of living in illiberal regimes without finding those regimes justifiable.

Emilian Kavalski
and
Magdalena Zolkos

This chapter articulates the concept of recognition beyond its anthropocentric core. The prevailing conceptualization of recognition in International Relations (IR) relates to the collective endowment with a legal status as a legitimate participant on the world stage. This understanding draws on normative political theories of justice premised on a binary distinction between acts of acknowledgement (‘responsive model of recognition’) and acts of declaration (‘generative model of recognition’). Thus, the mutual collective recognition of and by states becomes the mechanism through which one’s participation in the international domain is validated. However, this conceptualization seems to offer little of value when it comes to IR’s recent strive to offer an inclusive account not just for the human, but also for the non-human interactions in global life. At stake is not simply the need to extend the concept of recognition beyond the agency of the state, but rather the requirement for its radical reframing ‘beyond-the-human’ into a non-anthropocentric notion. This chapter considers critically the potential for a more inclusive and encompassing understanding of recognition embedded in the reciprocity principle. The suggestion is that if the study of IR is to address meaningfully the challenges of climate change through the conceptualization of recognition, it will have to confront and reframe its anthropocentric premise.

in Recognition and Global Politics
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Allyn Fives

) Hers is a normative political theory, even though she once thought such a theory no longer feasible. And she believes that there are at least two alternatives now for normative political thought. The ‘best political theory’ has been, she concludes, ‘either skeptical, as in the case of Michael Oakshott and Isaiah Berlin, or devoted to setting up normative models of the just state’ (Shklar 1998 [nd1], p. 189). Shklar is pointing up two possible ways in which to engage in normative political thought in the last two decades of the twentieth century

in Judith Shklar and the liberalism of fear
Abstract only
Zoltán Gábor Szűcs

, with significant ethical and political implications, to find a theoretical framework that could do justice to what has seemed the proper ‘circumstances of politics’ for me ( Waldron 1999 ; Sleat 2013 ) and what I have thought was mostly missing from contemporary normative political theory. I say ‘mostly’ because the recent revival of realist political theory ( Sleat 2018 ) seeks to fill this normative

in Political ethics in illiberal regimes