➤ The background to the NorthernIreland problem
➤ The build up to and the importance of the Good Friday Agreement
➤ The effect of the devolution process on NorthernIreland
➤ The workings of the NorthernIreland Assembly
➤ The effects of decommissioning of arms and demilitarisation
➤ The future of NorthernIreland
BACKGROUND TO THE PROBLEM
How NorthernIreland came about
Until 1921 Ireland was a single political entity under British rule. It elected
MPs to parliament in London, but was
positions […] but they are not causal agents
of the peace process.
Murray and Tonge (2005: 265)
The proposition that external
actors facilitated but did not causally affect the peace process
represents the null hypothesis on the EU’s involvement in NorthernIreland. It posits that the sources of
a reminder from the present
Social and cultural shifts on the island of Ireland are held to have diluted
the authority of nationalisms that were tied to unidimensional and archaic
notions of Irishness and Britishness.1 It is contended that there is an
ongoing and positive transition towards new modes and definitions of
cultural belonging that in themselves reject the logic and validity of ethnocentrism. The Europeanisation of political and financial power, the influx
of foreign capital, political morphology in NorthernIreland
This Is NorthernIreland: regional
broadcasting and identity
his chapter makes three interconnected claims. First, that BBC NorthernIreland (hereafter BBC NI) played a vital role in maintaining a strong
British national consciousness in NorthernIreland. Second, that BBC NI selfconsciously sought to also construct a unifying “Ulster” identity for the new
province. As with Scotland and Wales, the BBC’s projection of “Ulsterness” did
not represent the abandonment of unionism or British identity but was rather
an attempt to assert the
NorthernIreland was largely ignored during the 2016 Brexit referendum. It
became, however, the main stumbling block to the conclusion of the
withdrawal negotiations and almost jeopardised an orderly UK withdrawal
from the EU. The central issue was how to avoid a physical hardening of
the border on the island of Ireland once the UK left the EU
seems ironic that NorthernIreland had a relatively low profile during the Brexit referendum campaign of 2015 and 2016.
This was certainly true in Britain, where it was subsumed under the white-hot debate over immigration and media-friendly slogans of the Leave campaign's assertions about ‘taking back control’ of the UK borders. Even in the NorthernIreland context Brexit was a relatively low-key issue, at least initially – which, given subsequent events, seems a little surprising
One production has dominated the Northern audiovisual sector since 2009 when shooting began and that is Game of Thrones (HBO, 2011–). Filmed on locations including the Giant’s Causeway, the eighteenth-century cobbled-stone alleyways of central Belfast, and at the Paint Hall Studios (part of the Titanic Studios in the Titanic Quarter), by the end of Series Seven the production had been credited with bringing a total expenditure of £166m on goods and services into the NorthernIreland economy (NorthernIreland
Northern Ireland has entered what is arguably the key phase in its troubled political history—truth recovery and dealing with the legacy of the past—yet the void in knowledge and the lack of academic literature with regard to victims' rights is particularly striking. This book analyses truth recovery as a fundamental aspect of the transition from political violence to peace, democracy and stability in post-conflict Northern Ireland. It argues that it is essential for any process of truth recovery in Northern Ireland to provide the victims of political violence with the opportunity to express and articulate their narratives of suffering within the context of public dialogic processes. The book outlines an original model: that victims of political violence should be enabled to engage in meaningful truth recovery through a Habermasian process of public democratic deliberation and communication involving direct dialogue with the perpetrators of such violence. This process of ‘communicative justice’ is framed within Habermas' theory of communicative action, and can help to ensure that legitimate truth recovery publicly acknowledges the trauma of victims' and subjects' perpetrator narratives of political violence to critical scrutiny and rational deconstruction. Crucially, the book aims to contribute to the empowerment of victims in Northern Ireland by stimulating constructive discussion and awareness of hitherto silenced narratives of the conflict. This difficult and unsettling interrogation and interpretation of the conflict from a comparatively ‘unknown perspective’ is central to the prospects for critically examining and mastering the past in Northern Ireland.
This unique book breaks new ground in engaging the study of Northern Ireland politics directly with broader debates about European integration and European governance. The text offers the most comprehensive coverage to date of the institutional development of Northern Ireland following the UK government’s devolution programme and Northern Ireland’s development as an autonomous policy actor in Europe. This study marshals evidence from Northern Ireland’s relationship with the European Union (EU) during the contemporary era of devolved power. Uniquely, it does not treat Northern Ireland as a sui generis case-study, but as a region facing the same challenges as many other parts of Europe. This distinctive approach is a key strength of the book. It is a fresh and novel means of studying the EU and produces new and compelling conclusions with broad appeal and application. The text argues that in Northern Ireland, a series of national and regional constraints, complexities and divisions limit the application of the multi-level governance (MLG) model. The distinction between state and civil society in Northern Ireland has become less, rather than more blurred, and has shifted in the direction of the former. The author questions the synergy between devolution and the EU and queries the existence of new forms of ‘governance’. This is a contribution of both immense substance and considerable importance and will appeal to scholars from a diverse range of social science disciplines. It is essential reading for students and scholars of contemporary Northern Ireland politics, EU governance, European regions and conflict studies.
In the last generation, Northern Ireland has undergone a tortuous yet remarkable process of social and political change. This book explores what Northern Ireland was like during violent conflict, and whether the situation is any different 'after the troubles'. It examines the political developments and divisions essential to a critical understanding of the nature of Northern Irish society. The book focuses a number of elements of popular cultural practice that are often overlooked when social scientists address Northern Ireland. Sport plays an important though often dispiriting role that in Northern Irish society. It looks at some of the problems and ways forward for transitional justice and memory work in Northern Ireland. The book reviews the history of strategic spatial policy in post-partition Northern Ireland. It draws on feminist scholarship to expose how explanations of the ethnic conflict that ignore gender are always partial. The book illustrates how feminist and gender politics are part of the political culture of Northern Ireland and offers conceptual resources to academics engaged in investigating the conflict. It further provides a brief outline of critical race theory (CRT) and the critique of whiteness therein before using it as a basis from which to examine the research literature on racism in Northern Ireland. The course that popular music has taken in Northern Ireland during 1990s of the peace process, is also considered and the most crucial issues of the peace process, police reform, are examined.