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The public face of the UVF
Timothy Bowman

4 Parades and propaganda: the public face of the UVF The whole issue of Unionist propaganda during the Third Home Rule crisis is a complex one, which to date has received very little consideration from historians. Michael Foy’s important article on the subject shows the importance of picture postcards and cartoons in the Unionist campaign and suggests that Unionist propaganda was aimed at four different audiences: Ulster Unionists themselves, British public opinion, the Liberal government and Nationalist Ireland. Foy’s article does illustrate the problems which

in Carson’s army
Ilaria Vanni

1 MayDay! MayDay! Precarious objects and parades Flexworkers of europe let’s unite! (EuroMayDay 2004 slogan) Introduction: parades, material culture and spaces of political affect On 1 May 2004, in Sydney, I dressed in black trousers and a black T-shirt, and filled in a form with my age, name and address. I created my own slogan and joined hundreds of other people in the first EuroMayDay parade. Around me were students, doctors, photographers, singers, builders, media activists, computer programmers, people working in the hospitality industry, web designers

in Precarious objects
Constructing the contest in Barbados, 1958–66
Rochelle Rowe

3 Parading the ‘crème de la crème’: constructing the contest in Barbados, 1958–66 T he ‘Carnival Queen’ beauty competition began in Barbados in 1958 and was modelled after its lucrative Trinidadian equivalent. Anglican Barbados did not have an annual carnival celebration before 1958. The organisers of the ‘Carnival Queen’ competition, the newly formed Barbados chapter of the Junior Chamber of Commerce (Jaycees), invented a carnival, consisting primarily of the music, dance and glamour of the ‘Carnival Queen Show’. The beauty competition formed the centrepiece

in Imagining Caribbean womanhood
Social media, parades and protests in Northern Ireland
Author: Paul Reilly

This book explores how social media are used by citizens to frame contentious parades and protests in ‘post-conflict’ Northern Ireland. It provides the first in-depth analysis of how Facebook, Twitter and YouTube were used by citizens to contest the 2013 union flag protests and the Ardoyne parade dispute (2014 and 2015). An essential read for researchers interested in digital mis- and disinformation, it will examine how citizens engaged with false information circulating on these platforms that had the potential to inflame sectarian tensions during these contentious episodes. It also considers the implications of this online activity for efforts to build peace in deeply divided societies such as Northern Ireland.

The book uses a qualitative thematic approach to analyse Facebook, Twitter and YouTube content generated during the flag protests and Ardoyne parade dispute between 2012 and 2016. It also draws on semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders including bloggers, political commentators and communication officers from the main political parties, as well as the results of a qualitative content analysis of newspaper coverage of these contentious public demonstrations.

Justin A. Joyce

Recounting the failures of the United States to adequately address the COVID-19 pandemic, reflecting on the parade of mendacity that has encapsulated the 45th presidency, and interpreting Baldwin’s call to be responsible to our children, Justin A. Joyce introduces the sixth volume of James Baldwin Review.

James Baldwin Review
Megan Daigle, Sarah Martin, and Henri Myrttinen

. ( 2015 ), ‘ Parades, Parties and Pests: Contradictions of Everyday Life in Peacekeeping Economies ’, Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding , 9 : 3 , 372 – 90 . Higate , P. ( 2012 ), ‘ Drinking Vodka from the “Butt-Crack”: Men, Masculinities and Fratriarchy in the Private Militarized Security Company

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Leisure, the young working class and urban space in Britain, c. 1870–1939
Author: Laura Harrison

In neighbourhoods and public spaces across Britain, young working people walked out together, congregated in the streets, and paraded up and down on the ‘monkey parades’. This book explores these sites of leisure and courtship – the streets, public and neighbourhood spaces of towns and cities across Britain – telling the story of young people and developing youth cultures from the perspective of their spatial occupation and behaviours. It argues that the beginnings of a distinct youth culture can be traced to the late nineteenth century, and that the street and neighbourhood provided its forum. The book draws together the actions of adults with the experiences of young people from the later years of the nineteenth century through to the interwar period, considering the continuities in young people’s leisure lives and reflecting on the development of an increasingly conspicuous youth culture that became more clearly linked to commercial leisure opportunities. Drawing on an extensive range of sources, from newspapers and institutional records to oral histories and autobiography, the book enriches our understanding of young working people by narrowing the focus on their spaces and sites of social interaction, and argues that exploring the relationship between the young working class and urban space allows for a more comprehensive and nuanced understanding of the lives of young people.

Belfast since 1780

Civic identity and public space, focussing on Belfast, and bringing together the work of a historian and two social scientists, offers a new perspective on the sometimes lethal conflicts over parades, flags and other issues that continue to disrupt political life in Northern Ireland. The first part of the book shows how these disputes had their origins in the changes that took place during the nineteenth century in the character of urban living, creating new forms of public space whose regulation was from the start a matter of contention and debate. Later chapters show how the establishment of a new Northern Ireland state, with Belfast as its capital, saw unionism and Protestantism achieve a near-complete monopoly of public space. In more recent decades, this monopoly has broken down, partly as a result of political violence, but also through the influence of new ideas of human rights and of a more positive vision of political and cultural diversity. Today policy makers and politicians struggle to devise a strategy for the management of public space in a divided city, while endeavouring to promote a new sense of civic identity that will transcend long-standing political and sectarian divisions.

Parade making as a cultural trope for urban policy
Jessica Symons

2 Nurturing an emergent city: parade making as a cultural trope for urban policy Jessica Symons The city inside us all I pedalled my bike down the back of Castlefield, past the canals and converted mills, over the footbridges, by the geese pecking in the grass, sun glinting in the water, refracted across the apartment windows. I barely passed a soul those early summer weekdays as I wended my way through to the industrial units which sat behind the flats. The sound of laughter and music greeted me as I locked my bike up and wandered into the expansive space

in Realising the city
The 2014 and 2015 Ardoyne parade disputes
Paul Reilly

From January 2013 onwards, social media platforms were used with increasing frequency to mobilise publics around contentious parades and protests in the deeply divided society. Most notably, social media provided communicative spaces for the contestation of the Northern Ireland Parades Commission decision to re-route the return leg of an Orange Order parade away from the nationalist district of Ardoyne in Belfast during July 2013. Loyalists framed the ruling as yet further evidence of the how policymakers were constantly ‘appeasing’ republicans through symbolic

in Digital contention in a divided society