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Liam Weeks

4 Independent parliamentarians The first three chapters have focused on establishing the presence of independents in the Irish political system. Before the reasons for this presence are examined in the next four chapters, we need to consider the experience of those who run on an independent platform. This chapter comprises seven separate contributions from independents who have been elected at various levels in Ireland, from local councils, to the Seanad, the Dáil and the European Parliament. Although this study is primarily on independents in the Dáil, it is

in Independents in Irish party democracy
Professional politicians and regional institutions in Catalonia and Scotland
Series: Devolution
Author: Klaus Stolz

Focusing on professional politicians, this book investigates the interrelationship between political career patterns and political institutions in two of the most widely discussed cases of regionalism: Catalonia and Scotland. It deals with two different yet closely related sets of questions. Firstly, how do professional politicians pursue their careers in the regional context? And secondly, how do they shape and reshape the political institutions in which they pursue these careers? The book is based on extensive empirical research including a comprehensive data set on the careers of Catalan and Scottish parliamentarians, systematic surveys of regional representatives as well as in-depth interviews with a wide range of politicians and experts in both regions. Exploring the effects of political professionalisation on regional democracy, it goes beyond traditional studies of regionalism and decentralization, while its focus on the regional career arena introduces a territorial dimension to the study of political careers.

Author: Liam Weeks

Independent politicians are the metaphorical equivalent of sheep who stray from the flock, who would rather discover fresh pastures than graze on their own. This book includes a study, a detailed analysis of these independents, primarily of the factors that explain their presence and survival in the midst of one of the longest enduring party democracies in the world. Independents have been a constant feature of the Irish electoral landscape, since the 1922 elections in the Irish Free State. The structure of the book is built around five central premises that explain the permissiveness of independents. The book discusses the openness of the party system, indicating the Downsian nature of independents as they represent groups not catered for by the parties. It presents an overview of independents' electoral fate in other parliamentary democracies, with a focus on Australia and Japan, before examining their fate in Irish elections. In the Irish case, the level of heterogeneity between independents has varied. Providing an insight into the make-up of the independent voter, the book examines the contributions of seven independent politicians, who between them have sat in local government, the Dail, the Seanad and the European Parliament. A party-centred culture is a suppressing agent against independents. In contrast, a permissive candidate-centred culture in Ireland contributes to their significance. Such a political culture is facilitated by a permissive electoral system. The presence of non-party parliamentarians in a mature and stable party democracy is the puzzle that the book has sought to solve.

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Rachel Foxley

1640s. The English revolution, like many since, ran an increasingly divisive course, until control was eventually seized by a minority. A coup within the parliamentarian side resulted in the trial and execution of the king and the founding of a shortlived republic. The Levellers were certainly implicated in that story. From the start of the war the Leveller leaders were aligned with the ‘war party’ and then the political Independents, who pushed for a full victory in the war which would enable Parliament to drive a hard bargain with the king. The political thought

in The Levellers
Edward Legon

. On the contrary, recriminations against Parliamentarians and republicans have underpinned recent interest in the mnemonic landscape of the Restoration.4 Together with a closer examination of how these circumstances derived from a conciliatory programme of oblivion, one contribution that this chapter hopes to make concerns the measurable impact of these attacks on their targets. The speeches and writings of those who, as former opponents of Crown or established church, were targeted by censorship and censure represent concerns about, and efforts to counteract, the

in Revolution remembered
Rachel Foxley

Chapter 2 . The appeal to the people I n 1642, parliamentarians and royalists had embarked on a virtual war of ‘paper bullets’ to mobilize opinion and rally support for the real war which was to come. As the fighting began, they continued to publish, with parliamentarian authors outlining their views of the constitution and its origins in order to reassure their followers about the rightness of resistance against the king. During the war years, the parliamentarian coalition came under enormous strain, and by the time Parliament had won the war, observers saw

in The Levellers
Rachel Foxley

, the Levellers not only produced the first proposed written constitution for England (albeit one which was never implemented), but did so by bringing out of the fictive past the original act of consent which, in parliamentarian theory, was the foundation of all legitimate government. The Levellers, the story goes, not only embraced the most alarming consequences of parliamentarian consent theory by appealing beyond Parliament to the ultimate authority of the people, but took the theory to its logical conclusion by seeking to reconstitute a polity from scratch through

in The Levellers
Edward Legon

Chapter 8 Seditious memories across generations T hrough speech, writing, and mis-commemoration, people from across the Stuart realms articulated opinions about the civil wars and revolutions that were deemed by the authorities to be seditious and unlawful. The risks taken to articulate these views connote the degree to which certain political and religious identities were bound up with a sense that various aspects of opposition to, and resistance against, the Crown and established church had been legitimate. And yet some of the Parliamentarian and republican

in Revolution remembered
Central initiatives and local agency in the English civil war
Ann Hughes

Connecting centre and locality Chapter 6 Diligent enquiries and perfect accounts: central initiatives and local agency in the English civil war Ann Hughes I n early July 1650, in the midst of war between the English republic and the Scots, the London bookseller George Thomason bought a pamphlet by Miles Hill, a Herefordshire parliamentarian official. Hill’s ‘true and impartiall account’ was both a narrative and a financial reckoning, recounting the ‘plunderings, losses and sufferings of the County of Hereford at the hands of the Scottish army’, then allies of

in Connecting centre and locality
Edward Legon

about politics and religion in this era. Whereas, as we shall see, seditious material was circulated in print after the Restoration, and some of this even harked back favourably to the decades of conflict and revolution, the output of the English presses more often reflected the opinions of those who controlled them: namely, hard-line Royalists whose antipathy towards Parliamentarianism and republicanism and sympathies for those who had resisted them with their lives, liberties, and estates were undisguised. Encountering alternative interpretations of the civil wars

in Revolution remembered