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Mel Bunce

to the 2016 US election ( Silverman & Alexander, 2016 ). In humanitarian crises, however, the more common driver of disinformation creation appears to be partisanship and political influence. Humanitarian emergencies are often heavily politicised and multiple stakeholders seek to influence their representation in the news media and elsewhere online. Some of these groups are willing to spend considerable resources to create fabricated websites and social media content: a continuation of long traditions of propaganda. Russian

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Self-interest and political difference
Author: Thomas Prosser

This punchy and provocative book asks a simple but overlooked question: why do we have the political views that we do?

Offering a lively and original analysis of five worldviews – conservatism, national populism, liberalism, the new left and social democracy – Thomas Prosser argues that our views tend to satisfy self-interest, albeit indirectly, and that progressive worldviews are not as altruistic as their adherents believe.

But What’s in it for me? is far from pessimistic. Prosser contends that recognition of self-interest makes us more self-reflective, allowing us to see humanity in adversaries and countering the influence of echo chambers.

As populist parties rise and liberalism and social democracy decline, this timely intervention argues that to solve our political differences, we must first realise what we have in common.

A nascent realignment?
Rory Costello

. In Eurobarometer polls taken in the late 1970s, approximately two thirds of Irish respondents described themselves as being close to a political party; this had declined to 40 per cent by the mid-1990s (Mair and Marsh, 2004: 242). As reported below, just over one quarter of respondents admitted to feeling close to a party in Irish National Election Study (INES) surveys conducted in 2002 and 2007, and this fell even further in 2011. This is an important and, for many observers, worrying development. Partisanship is associated with political engagement, and is also

in The post-crisis Irish voter
David Ranc

1 Understanding partisan identification Sociology has largely provided the main paradigms that still frame most social science studies on sport and the understanding of partisanship: the critical, functionalist, figurational and interpretative approaches. These four approaches provide different answers to the central question: what prompts a partisan identification? Thorough research on the means of identification has only been conducted within the figurational and interpretative frameworks. The empirical relevance of some aspects of these theories has been

in Foreign players and football supporters
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David Ranc

1997, and two consecutive European Cup finals, including a victory in 1996)8 has secured it massive recognition throughout Europe, and justified its inclusion in the now defunct G14, a lobby group for the major European clubs. Because of its relative newness, and its rather rapid success in a hostile environment, PSG provides an interesting case study for the significance of football partisanship and the processes of identification for football supporters. How did PSG manage to attract such numbers of football supporters in a country where attendance at football

in Foreign players and football supporters
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Arthur Aughey

English ‘particular’ that celebrates – if not unreservedly – a more populist idea of England, an idea that it struggles to reconcile with civic, liberal and multi-ethnic values. Part III revisits these legends and anxieties by examining them in terms of the actual and metaphorical ‘locations’ of Englishness that cut across the usual patterns of political partisanship. Chapter 8 considers the regions of England not only as territories of administrative convenience but also as potential ‘identity resources’, as Bond and McCrone have termed them, for the fashioning of a

in The politics of Englishness
David Thackeray

have resulted, in part, from a sense that the clause was not watertight and could be flouted.2 But the debates also reveal a general assumption that, having put ‘country before party’ during the war, people would, by and large, respect the spirit of the law and distance themselves from the acrimonious partisanship that had been a feature of Edwardian politics. These concerns were widely expressed on the Liberal benches. For instance, Percy Harris stressed the need for a more orderly political discourse: ‘the public and electors are desirous that an election should be

in Conservatism for the democratic age
Matt Sleat

consequences that this gives rise to. The third section will then – given the accusation made of liberalism by realists that they seek to avoid, abandon, or overcome politics – explore the manner in which a theory of liberal realism that accepts its own partisanship can be said to ‘affirm the political’. Finally, I shall bring the discussion of the previous three sections together and examine the way in which liberals should conceptualise their relationship with those who 06-Liberal_realism_(Chap 6)_132-151.indd 132 07/02/2013 15:34 The partisan foundations of liberal

in Liberal realism
A comparative analysis
Stuart Ball

uncommitted. The Conservatives in opposition tend to mix the desire to act as if still wearing the mantle of government – to appear sober, responsible, consistent and wise – with partisanship and tactical manoeuvre. The temptation to have the best of both worlds is understandable, but sometimes it results in gaining neither. Governments are expected to have answers, but oppositions have to operate without the benefit of civil service advice and support. The Conservatives set out to remedy this in the creation of the Conservative Research Department, which had been under

in The Conservatives in Crisis
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Political group portraiture and history painting
Henry Miller

4 Reforming pantheons: political group portraiture and history painting This chapter shows how group portrait paintings could recast political events as part of a celebrated national narrative. It contrasts, therefore, with the previous two chapters, which focused on how portraits could function as aides-memoires to political partisanship or identity. Group portrait paintings and derivative prints commemorated reforming triumphs through the aggregated representations of individual politicians. In doing so they presented a country of progress and enlightened

in Politics personified