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Territorial disputes, unequal citizens and the rise of majoritarian nationalism in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh
Amit Ranjan

The partition of British India in 1947 changed the geography of the Indian subcontinent and created a new religious, ethnic and demographic composition within India, Pakistan and Bangladesh (East Pakistan until 1971). Despite these changes, present interreligious relations have not overcome the colonial constructions and memories of violence related to the partition of India. For example, political debates over cow protection 1 is still not settled with some people being killed by cow

in The breakup of India and Palestine
Possibilities and pitfalls, 1945–49
Christopher Norton

4 The Irish Anti-Partition League: possibilities and pitfalls, 1945–49 The question in 1945 was to what degree could the elected nationalist representatives take advantage of the altered political landscape resulting from the return of a Labour government at Westminster to raise, what one observer of the election had termed, the ‘burning sense of grievance’ their constituents felt in regard to the issues of discrimination in employment and housing, franchise gerrymandering and internment?1 As Russell Rees has argued, there were distinct prospects here. The

in The politics of constitutional nationalism in Northern Ireland, 1932–70
Ayesha Jalal

across large sections of the citizenry across both sides of the international border demarcated in 1947. This is why it is all the more important to reassess the legacy of a man who is universally held responsible for a partition that he had assiduously tried avoiding. To do so one has to go beyond the simplistic distinction between the secular and the religious on which so many of the national myths of India and Pakistan are based. ‘Other men are lenses through which we read our own minds’, the American philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson once said

in The breakup of India and Palestine
The 1947 United Nations Special Committee on Palestine
Laura Robson

1947, the split United Nations Special Commission on Palestine, whose majority report recommended partition, was divided not only on the fate of Palestine itself, but on the role the UN would play in the postwar world. The proposal for a federated unitary state – supported, notably, by the Commission's India representative and prepared by the subcommittee's Pakistani chair – represented not only an alternative vision for the future of Palestine but a different and more limited vision of the state-making capacities of the newly formed UN. This chapter looks at

in The breakup of India and Palestine
Donnacha Ó Beacháin

1 The politics of partition, 1920–1932 Westminster’s passing of the Government of Ireland Act in March 1920, which partitioned the country, resulted from the inability, or unwillingness, of the British political elite to reconcile the conflicting demands of their loyal supporters, who constituted 18 per cent of the Irish population, and the majority wish for complete separation from the United Kingdom. The exclusion from Dublin’s jurisdiction and the size of the new six-county ‘Northern Ireland’ very much catered for the demands of Ulster Unionists and their

in From Partition to Brexit
Institutions, policies, laws and people
Victor Kattan
and
Amit Ranjan

This is not another book about the partition of India, of which there are many. 1 Nor is this a book about the partition of Palestine. 2 Rather, this work takes the form of an edited collection of chapters about partition in both places. It draws attention to the pathways of peoples, geographic spaces, colonial institutions, policies and laws that connect them. This is not to suggest that there were not differences between the two partitions

in The breakup of India and Palestine

From Partition to Brexit is the first book to chart the political and ideological evolution of Irish government policy towards Northern Ireland from the partition of the country in 1921 to the present day. Based on extensive original research, this groundbreaking work assesses the achievements and failures of successive Dublin administrations, evaluating the obstacles faced and the strategies used to overcome them. Challenging the idea that Dublin has pursued a consistent set of objectives and policies towards Northern Ireland, this timely study reveals a dynamic story of changing priorities. The picture that emerges is one of complex and sometimes contradictory processes underpinning the Irish Government’s approach to the conflict.

Drawing on extensive archival research and interviews, the author explores and explains the gap between the rhetorical objective of Irish unity and actual priorities, such as stability within Northern Ireland and the security of the Irish state. The book explains why attempts during the 1990s to manage the conflict in Northern Ireland ultimately proved successful when previous efforts had foundered. Identifying key evolutionary trends, From Partition to Brexit demonstrates how in its relations with the British Government, Dublin has been transformed from spurned supplicant to vital partner in determining Northern Ireland’s future, a partnership jeopardised by Britain’s decision to leave the European Union.

Informed, robust and innovative, From Partition to Brexit is essential reading for anyone interested in Irish or British history and politics, and will appeal to students of diplomacy, international relations and conflict studies.

Martin Maguire

M1206 MAGUIRE TEXT.qxp:Andy Q7 17/3/08 08:50 Page 93 3 The revolutionary State, partition and the civil service, 1920–21 Introduction       1921 Truce between the republican and Crown forces there were three State authorities in Ireland: Northern Ireland, Dáil Éireann and the Dublin Castle regime. The 1920 Government of Ireland Act proposed to create two Home Rule parliaments in Ireland while retaining Westminster sovereignty. Only one of these, Northern Ireland, actually assembled in June 1921. Dáil Éireann continued to function despite

in The civil service and the revolution in Ireland, 1912–38
Iqbal Singh Sevea

Since its emergence in 1947, the state of Pakistan has grappled with the challenge of constructing a national identity that either supersedes or incorporates various markers of linguistic, regional and ethnic identity. Following the partition of British India, Pakistan had to construct a shared sense of belonging for the various groups that fell within its borders and the millions of displaced individuals who flooded into the new state. It literally had to create a new Pakistani identity among individuals who, on the one hand, lacked a sense

in The breakup of India and Palestine
Amrita Shodhan

In this chapter, the superficial similarity between the partitions of India and Palestine are probed and examined to reveal the structures of knowledge and the mentalities of governance that treated the populations of the two lands very similarly. It demonstrates the links in British imperial governance of both places, in the context of partition, and asks whether making these connections can give us a new perspective on the divisions that still occupy India–Pakistan and Palestine–Israel today. There has been a small spate

in The breakup of India and Palestine