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4 The Irish Anti-Partition League: possibilities and pitfalls, 1945–49 The question in 1945 was to what degree could the elected nationalist representatives take advantage of the altered political landscape resulting from the return of a Labour government at Westminster to raise, what one observer of the election had termed, the ‘burning sense of grievance’ their constituents felt in regard to the issues of discrimination in employment and housing, franchise gerrymandering and internment?1 As Russell Rees has argued, there were distinct prospects here. The
1 The politics of partition, 1920–1932 Westminster’s passing of the Government of Ireland Act in March 1920, which partitioned the country, resulted from the inability, or unwillingness, of the British political elite to reconcile the conflicting demands of their loyal supporters, who constituted 18 per cent of the Irish population, and the majority wish for complete separation from the United Kingdom. The exclusion from Dublin’s jurisdiction and the size of the new six-county ‘Northern Ireland’ very much catered for the demands of Ulster Unionists and their
From Partition to Brexit is the first book to chart the political and ideological
evolution of Irish government policy towards Northern Ireland from the partition
of the country in 1921 to the present day. Based on extensive original research,
this groundbreaking work assesses the achievements and failures of successive
Dublin administrations, evaluating the obstacles faced and the strategies used
to overcome them. Challenging the idea that Dublin has pursued a consistent set
of objectives and policies towards Northern Ireland, this timely study reveals a
dynamic story of changing priorities. The picture that emerges is one of complex
and sometimes contradictory processes underpinning the Irish Government’s
approach to the conflict.
Drawing on extensive archival research and
interviews, the author explores and explains the gap between the rhetorical
objective of Irish unity and actual priorities, such as stability within
Northern Ireland and the security of the Irish state. The book explains why
attempts during the 1990s to manage the conflict in Northern Ireland ultimately
proved successful when previous efforts had foundered. Identifying key
evolutionary trends, From Partition to Brexit demonstrates how in its relations
with the British Government, Dublin has been transformed from spurned supplicant
to vital partner in determining Northern Ireland’s future, a partnership
jeopardised by Britain’s decision to leave the European Union.
Informed,
robust and innovative, From Partition to Brexit is essential reading for anyone
interested in Irish or British history and politics, and will appeal to students
of diplomacy, international relations and conflict studies.
M1206 MAGUIRE TEXT.qxp:Andy Q7 17/3/08 08:50 Page 93 3 The revolutionary State, partition and the civil service, 1920–21 Introduction 1921 Truce between the republican and Crown forces there were three State authorities in Ireland: Northern Ireland, Dáil Éireann and the Dublin Castle regime. The 1920 Government of Ireland Act proposed to create two Home Rule parliaments in Ireland while retaining Westminster sovereignty. Only one of these, Northern Ireland, actually assembled in June 1921. Dáil Éireann continued to function despite
followed relief operations for starving populations, refugees and genocide survivors in Central and Eastern European countries. The defeat of Germany and the partitioning of multinational empires led to the creation of new states, thus sending millions of displaced persons on the road, which – together with the war – provoked unprecedented deprivations throughout Europe. The 1917 Bolshevik Revolution and the civil war in Russia also threatened Central Europe to fall under Soviet influence. The 1921–22 Russian famine thus triggered a large-scale international response
December 1949, as one of two UN agencies (the other being the United Nations Conciliation Commission on Palestine – UNCPP) mandated to fulfill the international community’s obligations towards Palestinian refugees displaced and dispossessed by the partition of Palestine in 1948. The exclusion of Palestinian refugees from the ‘universal’ refugee regime – the 1950 Statute of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the 1951 Refugee Convention – and the international community’s failure to secure a political solution to
This book is a history of the Irish civil service and its response to revolutionary changes in the State. It examines the response of the civil service to the threat of partition, World War, the emergence of the revolutionary forces of Dáil Éireann and the IRA through to the Civil War and the Irish Free State. Questioning the orthodox interpretation of evolution rather than revolution in the administration of the State, the book throws light on civil-service organisation in British-ruled Ireland, the process whereby Northern Ireland came into existence, the Dáil Éireann administration in the War of Independence, and civil-service attitudes to the new Irish Free State.
This book is the first full-length study of the 1947 drawing of the Indo-Pakistani boundary in Punjab. It uses the Radcliffe commission, headed by Sir Cyril Radcliffe , as a window onto the decolonisation and independence of India and Pakistan. Examining the competing interests that influenced the actions of the various major players, the book highlights British efforts to maintain a grip on India even as the decolonisation process spun out of control. It examines the nature of power relationships within the colonial state, with a focus on the often-veiled exertion of British colonial power. With conflict between Hindus , Muslims and Sikhs reaching unprecedented levels in the mid-1940s , British leaders felt compelled to move towards decolonization. The partition was to be perceived as a South Asian undertaking, with British officials acting only as steady and impartial guides. Radcliffe's use of administrative boundaries reinforced the impact of imperial rule. The boundaries that Radcliffe defined turned out to be restless divisions, and in both the 1965 and 1971 wars India and Pakistan battled over their Punjabi border. After the final boundary, known as the 'Radcliffe award', was announced, all sides complained that Radcliffe had not taken the right 'other factors' into account. Radcliffe's loyalty to British interests is key to understanding his work in 1947. Drawing on extensive archival research in India, Pakistan and Britain, combined with innovative use of cartographic sources, the book paints a vivid picture of both the partition process and the Radcliffe line's impact on Punjab.
The February 2020 general election in the Republic of Ireland sent shockwaves through the country’s political system. Sinn Féin, ahead of all other parties in terms of first preference votes, secured its place as a potential coalition partner, a role it has been playing in Northern Ireland since the start of the century. This result not only disrupted the two-party system, it also questioned a narrative that had cast Sinn Féin as an outlier in the political mainstream. However, the prospect of this all-Ireland, radical left and former Provisional IRA associate being in government raises many questions. What does the success of this all-Ireland party say about the prospect of reunification? Can a party over which the shadow of paramilitaries still lingers be fully trusted? And are the radical changes that the party advocates in areas such as housing, public health and taxation a compelling alternative? These are the questions that this book sets out to address.
not the location of the Radcliffe boundary but the flawed process of partition that caused the terrible violence of 1947. Poor preparation, especially for the flow of refugees, and the boundary commission’s perceived lack of legitimacy gave both states, but particularly Pakistan, problematic origins. Rather than exacerbating these problems, surprisingly, Radcliffe’s line, rushed and inexpert as it was