Kitty Marion: actor and activist
At this point, wondering how I should finish my story, find a publisher, and
work, once more the unexpected happened. A post card came from Mrs. Annie
E. Gray, Director of The Women’s Peace Society: “If you are not busy how would
you like to be the office girl for a few weeks? $10 per. Start Monday, August 28th.”
Would a duck swim?
For years Annie Gray had complimented me and encouraged me in my
Birth Control work. A very real friendship had grown up between us. Annie
Gray is a naturalized citizen of
MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 07/18/2013, SPi
Belgians had a vested interest in a world order based on the international rule
of law, given their country’s location between France and Germany. Belgian
independence had bred antagonisms and border disputes with the Netherlands
that lasted well into the 1920s. To avoid international rivalry over Belgium,
the country’s independence was tied to perpetual neutrality – a formula
adopted at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1831 and cemented in 1839 through the Treaty
of London. This ‘imposed neutrality’ was soon integrated
African regional organizations have played leading roles in constructing collective conflict management rules for the continent, but these rules or norms have not been static. Currently, the African Union (AU) deploys monitors, authorizes peace support operations, and actively engages in internal conflicts in member states. Just a few decades ago these actions would have been deeply controversial under the Organization of African Unity (OAU). What changed to allow for this transformation in the way the African regional organization approaches peace and security? Drawing extensively on primary source documents from the AU Commission archives, this book examines why the OAU chose norms that prioritized state security in 1963 leading to a policy of strict non-interference and why the AU chose very different norms leading to a disparate conflict management policy of non-indifference in the early 2000s. Even if the AU’s capacity to respond to conflict is still developing, this new policy has made the region more willing and capable of responding to violent conflict. The author argues that norm creation largely happened within the African context, and international pressure was not a determinant factor. The role of regional organizations in the international order, particularly those in the African region, has been under-theorized and under-acknowledged, and this book adds to an emerging literature that explores the role of regional organizations in the Global South in creating and promoting norms based on their own experiences and for their own purposes.
This book assesses the security threat and political challenges offered by dissident Irish republicanism to the Northern Irish peace process. The 1998 Good Friday Agreement failed to end entirely armed republicanism. The movement of Sinn Féin into constitutional politics in a government of Northern Ireland and the eschewing of militarism that followed, including disbandment of the Provisional IRA (PIRA), the decommissioning of weapons and the supporting of the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) proved too much for a minority of republicans. This book begins by examining Sinn Féin’s evolution from the margins of political existence to becoming mainstream constitutional players. It then assesses how the compromises associated with these changes have been rejected by republican ‘dissidents’. In order to explore the heterogeneity of contemporary Irish republicanism this book draws upon in-depth interviews and analyses the strategies and tactics of various dissident republican groups. This analysis is used to outline the political and military challenges posed by dissidents to Northern Ireland in a post-Good Friday Agreement context as well as examine the response of the British state towards continuing violence. This discussion places the state response to armed republicanism in Northern Ireland within the broader debate on counter-terrorism after 9/11.
This volume seeks to bring together insights which look at the intersection of governance, culture and conflict resolution in India and the EU, two very different but connected epistemic, cultural and institutional settings, which have been divided by distance, colonialism, and culture, and yet recently brought closer together by ideas and practices of what is known as liberal peace, neoliberal state, and development projects. The differences are obvious in terms of geography, culture, the nature and shape of institutions, and historical forces: and yet the commonalities between the two are surprising. The depth of cultural variation and scale as well as very significant institutional differences are obvious. What emerges from this research project, and what is more unexpected is similarity in their critiques of neoliberalism, of governance and its conceptual relationship with governmentality, their focus on decentralised institutions, and local forms of peace agency, the escalatory tendencies of borders, and the urgency of development and self-determination pressures. The volume based on strong case studies and rigorous analysis examines these issues in the context of the practices of conflict resolution in India and Europe.
This book argues that Brexit is the most significant event in the political history of Northern Ireland since partition in 1921. It explains why Brexit presents unique challenges for Northern Ireland and why the future of the Irish border is so significant for the peace process. The book assesses the impact of the Brexit referendum in June 2016 and subsequent negotiations between the UK government and the EU on the 1998 Good Friday Agreement and on political stability in Northern Ireland. It explores the way in which Brexit brought contested political identities back into the foreground of political debate in Northern Ireland and how the future of the Irish border became an emblem for conflicting British and Irish visions of the future. The book argues that Brexit is breaking peace in Northern Ireland by underlining and reviving the binary identities of Britishness and Irishness that had been more malleable under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. It demonstrates how the Brexit negotiations have undermined the key pillars of the Good Friday Agreement and wider peace process in Northern Ireland; the ‘consent’ principle; the right to self-define national identity as British, Irish or both; and through the steady decline in Anglo-Irish relations since 2016. In 2021 Northern Ireland will commemorate its centenary, but Brexit, more than any other event in that 100-year history, has jeopardised its very existence.
"Proscribing peace is the first book to take a systematic look at the impact of
proscription on peace negotiations based on deep empirical research. With rare
access to actors during the Colombian negotiations with the Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Colombia People’s Army (FARC for its Spanish acronym), the book argues
that proscription has made pre-negotiations harder and more prolonged. The
book critically revisits and extends central concepts of the pre-negotiation
literature: vilification, symmetry and ripeness. It develops a new concept, the
‘linguistic ceasefire’, to understand how negotiations still take place in an
age of proscription. The ‘linguistic ceasefire’ has three main components: 1)
recognize the conflict, 2) drop the ‘terrorist’ label and 3) uncouple the act
and the actor. It removes the symbolic impact of proscription, even if
de-listing is not possible ahead of negotiations. With relevance for more
than half of the conflicts around the world in which an armed group is listed as
a terrorist organisation, this concept can help explain why certain conflicts
remain stuck in the ‘terrorist’ framing while others emerge from it.
International proscription regimes criminalise both the actor and the act of
terrorism. The book calls for an end to this amalgamation between acts and
actors. By focussing on the acts instead, international policy would be better
able to consider the violent actions both of armed groups and those of the
state. By separating the act and the actor, change -- and thus peace -- become
After three decades of violence, Northern Ireland has experienced unprecedented peace. It is now generally accepted that the peace accord which ended the Northern Ireland conflict, the 1998 Belfast Agreement, is an exemplar of this trend. This book examines the impact of the 1998 Agreement which halted the violence on the Northern Irish people. It covers changes in public opinion across all areas of society and politics, including elections, education, community relations and national identity. The surveys presented show that despite peace, Protestants and Catholics remain as deeply divided as ever. The book examines the development of the theory of consociationalism and how it has been woven into the intellectual debate about the nature of the Northern Ireland conflict. The role of religion in conflict transformation has emerged as an important issue in Northern Ireland. Ethnonationalism in Northern Ireland is fuelled by its multifaceted and complex nature. The constitutional position of Northern Ireland has been the topic of recurring debate since partition in 1920. The role of education in promoting social cohesion in post-conflict societies is often controversial. The book explores both the nature and extent of victimhood and the main perpetrators of the political violence. The key elements of a consociational approach include a grand coalition representing the main segments of society; proportionality in representation; community (segmental) autonomy; and mutual vetoes on key decisions. The main lesson of peace-making in Northern Ireland is that political reform has to be accompanied by social change across the society as a whole.
I N 975, Bishop Guy of Le Puy convened a large meeting in a field outside his city with the intention of constraining those secular lords and knights who were responsible for pillaging the churches and attacking the poor of his diocese. Reinforcing his threats of excommunication with the presence of his nephews’ armed followers, Guy forced those gathered, both knights ( milites ) and armed peasants, to take an oath swearing to maintain the peace. Acting as he did with secular support rather than with his fellow bishops, Guy was not in a position either to
PEACE CANNOT BE FORCED
On a sunny but cold day in Washington in 1979, the Egyptian
president, Anwar Sadat, and the Israeli prime minister,
Menachem Begin, signed a treaty of peace with the US president, Jimmy Carter, as their witness. After fighting five wars
in less than thirty years, Egypt and Israel committed to a new,
peaceful relationship. At the instigation of Carter – ‘Let’s have
a handshake’ – the three leaders stood and shook hands as a
symbol of the new era of relations.1
The 1967 and 1973 Arab–Israeli wars played an important