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American women's response to the 'peace offensive'
Helen Laville

5 'Positive peace': American women's response to the 'peace offensive' Women's interest in peace has constituted an important, if vague, component of constructions of the feminine identity. Historian Denise Riley, illustrating the problem of 'constant historical loops which depart or return from the convictions of women's natural dispositions', chose women's interest in peace as a paradigm. 1 Jean Bethke Elshtain has argued that identifications around issues of peace and violence (what she refers to as 'Just Warriors' and 'Beautiful Souls') are crucial tropes

in Cold War women
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Viv Gardner
Diane Atkinson

264 Kitty Marion: actor and activist Chapter 78 PEACE At this point, wondering how I should finish my story, find a publisher, and work, once more the unexpected happened. A post card came from Mrs. Annie E. Gray, Director of The Women’s Peace Society: “If you are not busy how would you like to be the office girl for a few weeks? $10 per. Start Monday, August 28th.” Would a duck swim? For years Annie Gray had complimented me and encouraged me in my Birth Control work. A very real friendship had grown up between us. Annie Gray is a naturalized citizen of

in Kitty Marion
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Daniel Laqua

MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 07/18/2013, SPi 5 Peace Belgians had a vested interest in a world order based on the international rule of law, given their country’s location between France and Germany. Belgian independence had bred antagonisms and border disputes with the Netherlands that lasted well into the 1920s. To avoid international rivalry over Belgium, the country’s independence was tied to perpetual neutrality – a formula adopted at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1831 and cemented in 1839 through the Treaty of London. This ‘imposed neutrality’ was soon integrated

in The age of internationalism and Belgium, 1880–1930
Open Access (free)
Lynn Staley

Near the end of his Debate of the Horse, Goose, and Sheep , John Lydgate foregrounds the relationship between peace and prosperity, ‘Wher pees restith ther is al weelfare’. 1 Lydgate wrote the Debate , about which of the three animals ‘to man was most profitable’ (28), after the duke of Burgundy’s attack on Calais in 1436. Where both the goose and the horse describe themselves as serving the interests of war by providing feathers for arrows and transport for knights, the ram argues that the sheep serves

in Literatures of the Hundred Years War
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Brexit and Northern Ireland

This book argues that Brexit is the most significant event in the political history of Northern Ireland since partition in 1921. It explains why Brexit presents unique challenges for Northern Ireland and why the future of the Irish border is so significant for the peace process.

The book assesses the impact of the Brexit referendum in June 2016 and subsequent negotiations between the UK government and the EU on the 1998 Good Friday Agreement and on political stability in Northern Ireland. It explores the way in which Brexit brought contested political identities back into the foreground of political debate in Northern Ireland and how the future of the Irish border became an emblem for conflicting British and Irish visions of the future.

The book argues that Brexit is breaking peace in Northern Ireland by underlining and reviving the binary identities of Britishness and Irishness that had been more malleable under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. It demonstrates how the Brexit negotiations have undermined the key pillars of the Good Friday Agreement and wider peace process in Northern Ireland; the ‘consent’ principle; the right to self-define national identity as British, Irish or both; and through the steady decline in Anglo-Irish relations since 2016.

In 2021 Northern Ireland will commemorate its centenary, but Brexit, more than any other event in that 100-year history, has jeopardised its very existence.

Kevin Ruane

6 Wars of peace, 1968-1975 As a result of the heavy losses inflicted on the Vietcong during the Tet offensive, North Vietnam's involvement in the campaign in the south increased at the expense of indigenous influence. For non-communists in the NLF, this was a matter of concern: despite assurances that communism would never be imposed on South Vietnam, many regarded Hanoi's burgeoning politico-military intervention as a worrying portent (6.3). For the moment, the war continued to rage, albeit in tandem with US-DRV diplomatic activity generated by Johnson

in The Vietnam wars
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How listing armed groups as terrorists hurts negotiations

"Proscribing peace is the first book to take a systematic look at the impact of proscription on peace negotiations based on deep empirical research. With rare access to actors during the Colombian negotiations with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia People’s Army (FARC for its Spanish acronym), the book argues that proscription has made pre-negotiations harder and more prolonged.

The book critically revisits and extends central concepts of the pre-negotiation literature: vilification, symmetry and ripeness. It develops a new concept, the ‘linguistic ceasefire’, to understand how negotiations still take place in an age of proscription. The ‘linguistic ceasefire’ has three main components: 1) recognize the conflict, 2) drop the ‘terrorist’ label and 3) uncouple the act and the actor. It removes the symbolic impact of proscription, even if de-listing is not possible ahead of negotiations.

With relevance for more than half of the conflicts around the world in which an armed group is listed as a terrorist organisation, this concept can help explain why certain conflicts remain stuck in the ‘terrorist’ framing while others emerge from it. International proscription regimes criminalise both the actor and the act of terrorism. The book calls for an end to this amalgamation between acts and actors. By focussing on the acts instead, international policy would be better able to consider the violent actions both of armed groups and those of the state. By separating the act and the actor, change -- and thus peace -- become possible.

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Regional norms from the Organization of African Unity to the African Union

African regional organizations have played leading roles in constructing collective conflict management rules for the continent, but these rules or norms have not been static. Currently, the African Union (AU) deploys monitors, authorizes peace support operations, and actively engages in internal conflicts in member states. Just a few decades ago these actions would have been deeply controversial under the Organization of African Unity (OAU). What changed to allow for this transformation in the way the African regional organization approaches peace and security? Drawing extensively on primary source documents from the AU Commission archives, this book examines why the OAU chose norms that prioritized state security in 1963 leading to a policy of strict non-interference and why the AU chose very different norms leading to a disparate conflict management policy of non-indifference in the early 2000s. Even if the AU’s capacity to respond to conflict is still developing, this new policy has made the region more willing and capable of responding to violent conflict. The author argues that norm creation largely happened within the African context, and international pressure was not a determinant factor. The role of regional organizations in the international order, particularly those in the African region, has been under-theorized and under-acknowledged, and this book adds to an emerging literature that explores the role of regional organizations in the Global South in creating and promoting norms based on their own experiences and for their own purposes.

Plurality, dignity and inclusivity
Johanna Mannergren
Annika Björkdahl
Susanne Buckley-Zistel
Stefanie Kappler
, and
Timothy Williams

Throughout this book we have engaged with legacies of violent and difficult pasts. Listening to stories of pain and spending time at sites of memory, we have been driven by a growing awareness that an analysis of memory politics enhances our understanding of the quality of peace. This process of analysis has allowed us to appreciate how the social fabric is moulded by competing

in Peace and the politics of memory
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The threat of dissident Republicans to peace in Northern Ireland

This book assesses the security threat and political challenges offered by dissident Irish republicanism to the Northern Irish peace process. The 1998 Good Friday Agreement failed to end entirely armed republicanism. The movement of Sinn Féin into constitutional politics in a government of Northern Ireland and the eschewing of militarism that followed, including disbandment of the Provisional IRA (PIRA), the decommissioning of weapons and the supporting of the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) proved too much for a minority of republicans. This book begins by examining Sinn Féin’s evolution from the margins of political existence to becoming mainstream constitutional players. It then assesses how the compromises associated with these changes have been rejected by republican ‘dissidents’.

In order to explore the heterogeneity of contemporary Irish republicanism this book draws upon in-depth interviews and analyses the strategies and tactics of various dissident republican groups. This analysis is used to outline the political and military challenges posed by dissidents to Northern Ireland in a post-Good Friday Agreement context as well as examine the response of the British state towards continuing violence. This discussion places the state response to armed republicanism in Northern Ireland within the broader debate on counter-terrorism after 9/11.