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Kathryn Nash

One of the major critiques of the AU is that the shift in peace and security from non-interference under the OAU to non-indifference under the AU is purely cosmetic, and the results show no tangible difference in outcomes. This chapter spells out the extent of the change in norms, institutions, policies, and practices between the OAU and the AU to first show that there is a real difference between the two organizations. It sets a baseline of the OAU and AU norms, institutions, and policies and then explores how these played out in practice. I am not making an

in African peace
Abstract only
Regional norms from the Organization of African Unity to the African Union
Author: Kathryn Nash

African regional organizations have played leading roles in constructing collective conflict management rules for the continent, but these rules or norms have not been static. Currently, the African Union (AU) deploys monitors, authorizes peace support operations, and actively engages in internal conflicts in member states. Just a few decades ago these actions would have been deeply controversial under the Organization of African Unity (OAU). What changed to allow for this transformation in the way the African regional organization approaches peace and security? Drawing extensively on primary source documents from the AU Commission archives, this book examines why the OAU chose norms that prioritized state security in 1963 leading to a policy of strict non-interference and why the AU chose very different norms leading to a disparate conflict management policy of non-indifference in the early 2000s. Even if the AU’s capacity to respond to conflict is still developing, this new policy has made the region more willing and capable of responding to violent conflict. The author argues that norm creation largely happened within the African context, and international pressure was not a determinant factor. The role of regional organizations in the international order, particularly those in the African region, has been under-theorized and under-acknowledged, and this book adds to an emerging literature that explores the role of regional organizations in the Global South in creating and promoting norms based on their own experiences and for their own purposes.

Open Access (free)
Róisín Read

.1080/13552074.2019.1664046 . Martin de Almagro , M. ( 2017 ), ‘ Producing Participants: Gender, Race, Class, and Women, Peace and Security ’, Global Society , 1 – 20 , published online 11 October, doi: 10.1080/13600826.2017.1380610 . Martínez , S. and Libal , K. ( 2011 ), ‘ Introduction: The Gender of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
Juliano Fiori

of peace and security, cooperation and human rights: it also proposed changes to international norms and architecture. You mentioned the Universal Periodic Review; later on, it proposed the ‘Responsibility while Protecting’. It was a driving force in the movements to strengthen South–South cooperation and South American integration. Brazil’s influence seemed to be on an upward trajectory. Western commentators, including liberal conservatives, sang Brazil’s praises. In 2009, Foreign Policy ’s David Rothkopf referred to you as the ‘world’s best

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Kathryn Nash

Risse puts forward the spiral model to explain the adoption of progressive norms in repressive states focusing on both top-down pressure from the international and bottom-up pressure from domestic groups that may be supported by international networks. 2 However, there has been a dearth of literature on norm creation in the Global South and Global South contributions to international norms, and this gap has only recently started to be addressed. 3 This book nests within this emerging literature and argues that the evolution of peace and security norms from the OAU

in African peace
Construction of the African Union’s peace and security structures
Kasaija Phillip Apuuli

This chapter discusses the role of the UK in supporting African Union (AU) peace and security structures, particularly the AU’s Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), since 2010. The 1997–2010 Labour Government, unlike its immediate predecessors (Conservative governments led by Margaret Thatcher and John Major), gave Africa policy a high profile, and showed enthusiasm for grand initiatives like the New Partnership for Africa’s Development, a programme for African regeneration. The Labour Government’s African policy style was marked, on

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
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A force for peace in the world
Bertie Ahern

the determination to go it alone. A few years ago, Kofi Annan captured this point clearly when he noted that, ‘Challenges to peace and security today are predominantly global ... They require complex and collective responses, which are possible only if the web of multilateral institutions is adequately developed and properly used’.4 So how does this relate to the EU? Let us not forget what binds Europe together in the first place. As a community of shared values, the Union is uniquely placed to play a stronger role in support of peace and security, human rights and

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin

resolution and the related concept of collective security are built on very limited bases that sustain impoverished ideas of peace and security. Identification of an international dispute The ICJ has defined a dispute as ‘a disagreement on a point of law or fact, a conflict of legal views or interests between parties’. 2 Articulation of the disagreement

in The boundaries of international law
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Kathryn Nash

contributions of regional institutions as norm creators and promoters, particularly in marginalized regions, is under-examined. This book analyzes how African regional organizations created peace and security norms in order to better understand the role regional organizations play in shaping international society. It argues that the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and then the African Union (AU) uniquely adapted existing international norms as well as created new peace and security norms within their regional sphere and largely independent of international pressure

in African peace
Eşref Aksu

Turkish Government, the Turkish Cypriot leadership held they had not been duly consulted about the agreement. And the road remained blocked. 34 The overarching concern common to both the socialist and western camps was that, should the Cyprus conflict escalate, peace and stability in the entire eastern Mediterranean would be endangered. In other words, maintenance of international peace and security

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change