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Math Noortmann
Luke D. Graham

) force used in self-defence must be proportionate to the attack and aimed at driving the attacker back. Self-defence actions must be reported to the UNSC. Self-defence actions must cease once the UNSC has taken the ‘measures necessary to ensure international peace and security’. There is controversy over what ‘measures’ should be

in The basics of international law
Kathryn Nash

One of the major critiques of the AU is that the shift in peace and security from non-interference under the OAU to non-indifference under the AU is purely cosmetic, and the results show no tangible difference in outcomes. This chapter spells out the extent of the change in norms, institutions, policies, and practices between the OAU and the AU to first show that there is a real difference between the two organizations. It sets a baseline of the OAU and AU norms, institutions, and policies and then explores how these played out in practice. I am not making an

in African peace
Abstract only
Regional norms from the Organization of African Unity to the African Union

African regional organizations have played leading roles in constructing collective conflict management rules for the continent, but these rules or norms have not been static. Currently, the African Union (AU) deploys monitors, authorizes peace support operations, and actively engages in internal conflicts in member states. Just a few decades ago these actions would have been deeply controversial under the Organization of African Unity (OAU). What changed to allow for this transformation in the way the African regional organization approaches peace and security? Drawing extensively on primary source documents from the AU Commission archives, this book examines why the OAU chose norms that prioritized state security in 1963 leading to a policy of strict non-interference and why the AU chose very different norms leading to a disparate conflict management policy of non-indifference in the early 2000s. Even if the AU’s capacity to respond to conflict is still developing, this new policy has made the region more willing and capable of responding to violent conflict. The author argues that norm creation largely happened within the African context, and international pressure was not a determinant factor. The role of regional organizations in the international order, particularly those in the African region, has been under-theorized and under-acknowledged, and this book adds to an emerging literature that explores the role of regional organizations in the Global South in creating and promoting norms based on their own experiences and for their own purposes.

This book is the collective use of force within the framework of the Charter, whose ambitious project is based on the premise that armed force can be resorted to exclusively in the common interest. It begins with a short discussion of the powers granted to the Security Council for the discharge of its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, and the conditions under which these powers may be exercised. The United States, supported by its NATO allies, or at least some of them, openly challenged the authority of the Security Council and attempted to downgrade its authorisation from a legal requirement to a matter of political convenience. The book deals with the use of force by States either individually or jointly. Through the lenses of the interaction between the Charter and customary international law, it considers the evolution of the right to self-defence, the only exception expressly provided for in the Charter, and the possible re-emergence of other exceptions. The book focuses in particular on the controversial question concerning the legality of the threat or use of nuclear weapons in self-defence and of the pre-emptive military action against threats posed by these weapons. Often referring to the recent Iraqi crisis, it further deals with the collective and unilateral means at the disposal of the United Nations and its members to enforce disarmament obligations and tackle the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

Open Access (free)
Róisín Read

.1080/13552074.2019.1664046 . Martin de Almagro , M. ( 2017 ), ‘ Producing Participants: Gender, Race, Class, and Women, Peace and Security ’, Global Society , 1 – 20 , published online 11 October, doi: 10.1080/13600826.2017.1380610 . Martínez , S. and Libal , K. ( 2011 ), ‘ Introduction: The Gender of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
Juliano Fiori

of peace and security, cooperation and human rights: it also proposed changes to international norms and architecture. You mentioned the Universal Periodic Review; later on, it proposed the ‘Responsibility while Protecting’. It was a driving force in the movements to strengthen South–South cooperation and South American integration. Brazil’s influence seemed to be on an upward trajectory. Western commentators, including liberal conservatives, sang Brazil’s praises. In 2009, Foreign Policy ’s David Rothkopf referred to you as the ‘world’s best

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Kathryn Nash

Risse puts forward the spiral model to explain the adoption of progressive norms in repressive states focusing on both top-down pressure from the international and bottom-up pressure from domestic groups that may be supported by international networks. 2 However, there has been a dearth of literature on norm creation in the Global South and Global South contributions to international norms, and this gap has only recently started to be addressed. 3 This book nests within this emerging literature and argues that the evolution of peace and security norms from the OAU

in African peace
Construction of the African Union’s peace and security structures
Kasaija Phillip Apuuli

This chapter discusses the role of the UK in supporting African Union (AU) peace and security structures, particularly the AU’s Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), since 2010. The 1997–2010 Labour Government, unlike its immediate predecessors (Conservative governments led by Margaret Thatcher and John Major), gave Africa policy a high profile, and showed enthusiasm for grand initiatives like the New Partnership for Africa’s Development, a programme for African regeneration. The Labour Government’s African policy style was marked, on

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
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A force for peace in the world
Bertie Ahern

the determination to go it alone. A few years ago, Kofi Annan captured this point clearly when he noted that, ‘Challenges to peace and security today are predominantly global ... They require complex and collective responses, which are possible only if the web of multilateral institutions is adequately developed and properly used’.4 So how does this relate to the EU? Let us not forget what binds Europe together in the first place. As a community of shared values, the Union is uniquely placed to play a stronger role in support of peace and security, human rights and

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
Hilary Charlesworth
Christine Chinkin

resolution and the related concept of collective security are built on very limited bases that sustain impoverished ideas of peace and security. Identification of an international dispute The ICJ has defined a dispute as ‘a disagreement on a point of law or fact, a conflict of legal views or interests between parties’. 2 Articulation of the disagreement

in The boundaries of international law