The European Union (EU) has emerged as an important security actor qua actor, not only in the non-traditional areas of security, but increasingly as an entity with force projection capabilities. This book investigates how the concept of security relates to or deals with different categories of threat, explores the relationship between forms of coordination among states, international institutions, and the provision of European security and the execution of security governance. It also investigates whether the EU has been effective in realising its stated security objectives and those of its member states. The book commences with a discussion on the changing nature of the European state, the changing nature and broadening of the security agenda, and the problem of security governance in the European political space. There are four functional challenges facing the EU as a security actor: the resolution of interstate conflicts, the management of intrastate conflicts, state-building endeavours, and building the institutions of civil society. The book then examines policies of prevention, particularly the pre-emption of conflict within Europe and its neighbourhood. It moves on to examine policies of assurance, particularly the problem of peace-building in south-eastern Europe. EU's peace-building or sustaining role where there has been a violent interstate or intrastate conflict, especially the origins and performance of the Stability Pact, is discussed. Finally, the book looks at the policies of protection which capture the challenge of internal security.
Conflict poses considerable challenges for services that support communities, and in particular those affected by violence. This book describes the work undertaken in Omagh against the background of the most recent period of violent conflict in Ireland, and specifically it draws upon the work following the Omagh bombing. The bombing came just four months after the Northern Ireland peace agreement, known formally as the Belfast Agreement of 1998, and more informally as the Good Friday Agreement. The book describes the impact of the bomb and the early responses. Local trade unions, employers and the business community played key roles at times, particularly in underlining the need for solidarity and in identifying themselves with the desire for peace. The book looks at the outcome of needs-assessments undertaken following the Omagh bombing. The efforts to understand the mental health and related impact of the violence associated with the Troubles in Northern Ireland over the period 1969 to 2015 are focused in detail. The later efforts to build services for the benefit of the wider population are described, drawing upon the lessons gained in responding to the Omagh bombing. The developments in therapy, in training and education, and in research and advocacy are described with reference to the work of the Northern Ireland Centre for Trauma and Transformation (NICTT). The book draws together key conclusions about the approaches that could be taken to address mental health and well-being as an essential component of a peace-building project.
For the three decades of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ (1968–98), the United Kingdom experienced within its borders a profound and polarizing conflict. Yet relatively little research has addressed the complex effects, legacies and memories of this conflict in Britain. It occupies a marginal position in British social, cultural and political history, and the experiences and understandings of those in or from Britain who fought in it, were injured or harmed by it, or campaigned against it, have been neglected both in wider scholarship and in public policy. In the peace process since 1994, British initiatives towards ‘post-conflict’ remembering have been limited and fragmented. This ground-breaking book provides the first comprehensive investigation of the history and memory of the Troubles in Britain. It examines the impacts of the conflict upon individual lives, political and social relationships, communities and culture in Britain; and explores how the people of Britain (including its Irish communities) have responded to, and engaged with the conflict, in the context of contested political narratives produced by the State and its opponents. Setting an agenda for further research and public debate, the book demonstrates that ‘unfinished business’ from the conflicted past persists unaddressed in Britain; and advocates the importance of acknowledging legacies, understanding histories, and engaging with memories in the context of peace-building and reconciliation. Contributors include scholars from a wide range of disciplines (social, political and cultural history; politics; media, film and cultural studies; law; literature; performing arts; sociology; peace studies); activists, artists, writers and peace-builders; and people with direct personal experience of the conflict.
non-intervention, and came to see that the (post)colonial run-up to genocide was a story of too
much intervention, even in the name of democracy.
During my doctoral research, I rediscovered the case of Somaliland. A self-declared independent
republic in the north-western corner of Somalia, Somaliland had declined US and UN interventions
at the beginning of the 1990s, apart from specific assistance (the clean-up of landmines, for
example). Instead, it took care of its peace-building process internally and with its diaspora.
Over the years, even
Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
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Mid-term Evaluation Report
October 2017 .
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Exposed as Sierra
Leone Confirms New Ebola Death ’, Reuters,
(accessed 1 September 2018) .
( 2010 ), ‘ Contested Inclusions: Pitfalls
of NGO Peace-Building Activities in Liberia ’,
Africa Spectrum , 45 : 2
Corporations, Celebrities and the Construction of the Entrepreneurial
Annika Bergman Rosamond
The RefuSHE initiative is a non-profit-making organisation with headquarters in
Chicago. Its humanitarianism evolves around the protection and empowerment of
women refugees through education and work. The American RefuSHE co-founder Anne
Sweeney notes that the initiative ‘was born, to offer an innovative
solution within the global refugee crisis, or a one-of-a-kind model for
protection, empowerment, and peace-building in Kenya and beyond’ ( Rigou, 2018 ). The women
The ‘Sunningdale experiment’ of 1973-74 witnessed the first attempt at establishing peace in Northern Ireland based on power-sharing. However, its provisions, particularly the cross-border ‘Council of Ireland’, proved to be a step too far. The experiment floundered amidst ongoing paramilitary-led violence and collapsed in May 1974 as a result of the Ulster Workers’ Council Strike. Yet, many of the ideas first articulated in this period would resonate in later attempts to cultivate peace and foster a democratic. This collection asks what became of those ideas and what lessons can we learn looking back on Sunningdale over forty years hence. Drawing on a range of new scholarship from some of the key political historians working on the period, this book presents a series of reflections on how key protagonists struggled with ideas concerning ‘power-sharing’ and an ‘Irish dimension’ and how those struggles inhibited a deepening of democracy and the ending of violence for so long. The book will be essential reading for any student of the Northern Irish conflict and for readers with a general interest in the contemporary history of British-Irish governmental relations.
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia
Martin A. Smith
The end of the conflicts in Bosnia
(1995) and Kosovo (1999) created for NATO an important place in the
post-conflict ‘peace-building’ that represents a sustained
effort to create a new international order in South East Europe. The idea
that such peace-building efforts involve attempts to inculcate norms and
values is a key feature of the process and a significant source of
controversy. Just as NATO
The central message of this book, therefore, is that
addressing the mental health and wider needs arising from loss and
trauma must be incorporated as early as possible into the peace-making
and peace-building project. In contemporary warfare and conflict the
dead and surviving victims are increasingly civilians who had not been
protagonists. They bear the greatest heat of the day, and their needs