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6 Pensions in Switzerland: practices, conflicts, and impact in the sixteenth century Philippe Rogger The development of Swiss power politics around 1500 was remarkable, albeit short-lived. During the Burgundian Wars (1474–1477), Swiss cantons under Bernese leadership skilfully exploited the anti-Burgundian constellation on the European stage to expand their sphere of influence westwards, while in the Milanese Wars (1494–1516) they extended their territory to the south, into Lombardy.1 Victory over Burgundy in the Battles of Murten (1476), Grandson (1476), and
UNRWA on their mobile phones and/or laptops; all quotes from the circulars are taken verbatim from the documents on file with the author. In undertaking this close reading of the documents, I trace the nature and implications of a series of UNRWA’s more ‘private’ responses to the 2018 cuts, with a particular focus on shifts in educational and maternal and neonatal health services on the one hand and employment and pension rights on the other. I thus illustrate the extent to which UNRWA’s operational changes are invisible on the international
, have also shed their former social-democratic responsibilities ( Boltanski and Chiapello, 2005 ). Jobs for life, intergenerational career structures, apprenticeships, subsidised canteens, social clubs, sports facilities and company pensions have disappeared. In the mid twentieth century, for the white working class at least, welfarism together with a Fordist employment culture provided a high degree of protection against market forces. Indeed, this was a defining political feature of the West’s racial- and gender-inflected Cold War social
professionals, not well-meaning amateurs – careers with status, credentials, salaries and pensions. Third is the endless supply of those who would wish to make a difference, whose sense of what they are getting themselves into is misconceived from the start. Overall, humanitarianism and human rights create a legitimacy for the current global dispensation, a way to respond to difficult questions and feelings about the casualties of world order, a way to feel righteous and hopeful despite the reality, a way to preserve the illusion that we are making
Children born even one day before their parents' marriage remained illegitimate for life, while those born one day after a wedding had the full benefits of legitimacy. This book explores the legal and social consequences of growing up illegitimate in England and Wales. It concentrates on the late-Victorian period and the early twentieth century, and takes the child's point of view rather than that of the mother or of 'child-saving' groups. An extended analysis of criminal and civil cases involving illegitimacy, including less-studied aspects such as affiliation suits, the poor law and war pensions is presented. In the twentieth century, illegitimate children gained more family, and adoption became an option after 1926. Women had choices when faced with unwanted children, and many chose to suffer in the workhouse rather than harm their babies. Though the criminal courts were harder on non-maternal defendants, mothers were collusive in many crimes. The two legal processes illegitimate children were most likely to inspire were often entwined - affiliation proceedings and the poor law. Problems with the bastardy laws abounded, legislative successes were few in the nineteenth century. Fostering encouraged child circulation because of its temporary nature. The effects of social discrimination changed when children went to their jobs, dividing those with family from those without. Differences of class and gender also influenced the scope of illegitimacy's reach. Placing the stigma on Victorian children was simple, but ridding the law of the term was painfully slow, and abolishing its power even slower.
French subsidies played a central role in European politics from Charles VIII’s invasion of Italy in 1494 until the French Revolution. French kings attempted to frustrate what they viewed as a Habsburg bid to pursue universal monarchy. During the seventeenth century, the French monarchy would embrace the payment of subsidies on a different scale than previously, using alliances in which subsidies played a prominent role to pursue crucial aspects of royal policy. Louis XIII made alliances promising subsidies to support the United Provinces’ resumed war against the king of Spain, and for the Danish, Swedish, and various German princes to fight against the Holy Roman Emperor. Louis XIV continued some of these subsidies and used subsidies as a tool in order to implement his own politics. When Louis XIV appeared to Dutch and some English statesmen as aspiring to Universal monarchy, the Dutch and particularly the English used the tool of subsidies to frustrate the French monarch. During the eighteenth century, principally the French and the British, but also the Austrians, used subsidies to procure allies and attempt to maintain the balance of power. The subsidy system prompted significant debates about the legal, political, and moral implications, and was sometimes a source of political conflict between competing power groupings within states. The book argues that participation in the French system of subsidies neither necessarily accelerated nor necessarily retarded state development; but such participation could undoubtedly change political dynamics, the creation of institutions, and the form of states that would emerge.
The Treaty and Civil War By 1921, both Irish and British officials recognised the Anglo-Irish War constituted a military stalemate with a compromised settlement appearing imminent. The Ministry of Pensions foresaw a bleak future for ex-servicemen residing in South Ireland: ‘Conditions in Ireland will improve in the near future, but it seems very questionable, even if the country becomes settled again, whether the ex-soldier will not be regarded still as an outcast and an undesirable by his fellow man.’ This situation was
describing the general insurance business in section 4.3 . Sections 4.4 and 4.5 deal with the two very important institutions, namely long-term insurance and the pension funds. In section 4.6 we examine the institutions which provide cooperative holdings of financial securities before moving on to discuss the new funds in section 4.7 . In section 4.8 we look at what is
psychoneurotic afflictions alongside their British-born comrades during this evolution from a patchwork of military medical facilities to a more specialised treatment network. Sir John Collie, a leading authority of the Ministry of Pensions who helped organise payment of pensions and medical treatment of psychoneurotic veterans, supposed that around 200,000 soldiers were discharged from the British Army due to a mental breakdown, of which Irish troops constituted around 12.5 percent. 15 The war diary of the Medical Officer of
, by establishing a county pension scheme to support the maimed and the widowed in society. The records of this scheme highlight the ways in which local government interacted with central authorities. These records also, crucially, give an insight into the ways in which ordinary people who had suffered great losses because of the wars sought to gain financial relief for themselves and their families. Thus, this chapter will examine the administration of military welfare in Kent in order to analyse how the men, women and children of soldiering families in Kent