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Most people would agree that the hospital functions as one of the 'first duties of an organized society' as a public service for those members of the community who are in need. In the thirteenth century, hospitals represented a nexus of exchange between church officials, the community, the needy, and the pious or ambitious individual. This book presents a survey that offers an overview of the role of the hospital in affairs of the urban community, suggesting how changes within that community were reflected in the activities of the hospital. It locates the rise of the hospital movement in northern Italy within the context of the changing religious, social, and political environment of the city-states. The book introduces the hospital's central function in the distribution and administration of charity. It illustrates how the hospital and other charitable organizations played a role in the appropriation of power and influence by urban citizens. A comprehensive investigation of twelfth and thirteenth century hospitals' foundational charters follows. The book then delves into a detailed description of the physical plant of the hospital, the daily life of individuals, and rules and statutes followed by its members. It considers the social composition of donors, workers, and recipients of hospital services. Jurisdictional disputes among the city leaders, the community, individual religious orders, ecclesiastical authorities, and larger political forces. Finally, the book explores the process of consolidation and bureaucratization of hospitals in the fifteenth century and the emergence of state control over social services.
tradition in their personal lives also feel ambivalent towards religio-ethnic symbolic mobilization in national conflicts. (That ‘pious’ people also feel ambivalent towards religious symbols is taken as given – but it is not examined empirically in the book.) In a conservative political climate, this ambivalence can help reinforce political conservatism, a wait-and-see attitude to long-term conflict resolution – even among those who see themselves as otherwise progressive. The book thus offers material of interest to those interested in the comparative study of religion
man solt esel reyten ]. […] The Chamberlains tie up Haman; the Fool speaks I told you so, That you would dig yourself a pit [ Du wurst dir selb ein gruben grabn ] And fall into it [ Und wurdest selber darein fallen ]. May this happen to all flatterers Who put pious people in the kettle [ in den kessel hawen ]. […] The Fool
was organised by the collective Chainworkers on the outskirts of Milan, following the rules of religious processions. His statue was carried out to the streets, preceded by an assorted clergy, including a cardinal reciting prayers over a loudspeaker, and followed by pious people. They crossed various streets, arriving at a supermarket. The activists walked along the aisles of the supermarket distributing San Precario cards to shoppers, or using them to replace price tags. The growing use and dissemination of precarity terminology among social activists was
, meaning that he chaired the local party club.38 Laffan has argued that this involvement ‘often represented little more than yet another example of the deference shown to the clergy by a pious people’.39 As the ‘obvious [leaders] of the community’, priests were often naturally invited to take up the leadership of the local Sinn Féin club. It also shows that clerical support for republicanism was a matter of securing power in the new political order. Republican courts An important part of the Sinn Féin policy of setting up an alternative government in Ireland was the
the most noble-hearted and pious people in the world, hacked and hammered at the paynims for more than two hundred years trying to take their land away from them, and swum neck-deep in blood the whole time.11 In The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn (1884), the antipathy is rehearsed in the symbolic episode of the wrecked steamboat Walter Scott on the Mississippi, with the books of romance salvaged from the hulk from which Huck read considerable to Jim about kings, and dukes, and earls, and such, and how gaudy they dressed, and how much style they put on, and called
life, because again his preaching brought him no praise, and he asked the Duke [ sc. John of Gaunt] for the hermitage in the woods, and lived there for a time, sometimes running into the town, and sometimes into the country. And when pious people in Leicester, believing in his sanctity, tried to send food to him, as was their wont, he would pretend to austerity, as though content with his lot in the world, and would refuse and return
understood and, by extension, regulated. The documents relating to the leprosaria , namely donations and testaments, reinforce the importance of the collective community and the lepers’ relationship with the healthy and pious people of Narbonne and Siena. The nature of these documents, however, means that the individual leper’s voice is absent. What we do see is that the collective leper, as represented by the institution itself, has a strong presence in the sources. I will not go into detail about the donations themselves – they are standard gifts of money and property
contrite heart, herde their prayer, so that the English and the Normans durst never to enter the lande’. 55 This was derived from the Brut ,which stated that the ferocity of the Britons was such that ‘the French, not daring to invade the woods or wilderness against the Britons … returned home dejected and empty-handed’. 56 Llwyd thus extended the Brut ’s careful note that it was ‘woods or wilderness’ to evoke a sense of the Britons’ ‘lande’. Rufus was thus driven out of Wales by a pious people who had unjustly been deprived of their ‘countreyes’. Llwyd discusses the
theologians and the care of pious people.53 In the meantime the council had made some effort to discover more about some of the other people Margaretha had implicated in her story. The old midwife’s daughter Eva, who Margaretha claimed had taken her to four dances after the midwife’s death and the main, living suspect in the case, had been called into Rothenburg to testify on 22 May. She denied the allegations vehemently and pointed out that she neither knew the girl well nor had had much to do with Margaretha’s mother when she was alive. She also denied that her 116