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Stephanie Barczewski

British archives are full of documentary reminders of the links between plantations in the West Indies and landed estates in the United Kingdom. The East Sussex Record Office preserves a notebook kept by John Fuller, an ironmaster who in 1703 married Elizabeth Rose, the daughter of the Jamaican planter Fulke Rose. Through the marriage, Fuller acquired sugar plantations totalling

in Country houses and the British Empire, 1700–1930

This book is wholly devoted to assessing the array of links between Scotland and the Caribbean in the later eighteenth century. It uses a wide range of archival sources to paint a detailed picture of the lives of thousands of Scots who sought fortunes and opportunities, as Burns wrote, ‘across th' Atlantic roar’. The book outlines the range of their occupations as planters, merchants, slave owners, doctors, overseers and politicians, and shows how Caribbean connections affected Scottish society during the period of ‘improvement’. The book highlights the Scots' reinvention of the system of clanship to structure their social relations in the empire and finds that involvement in the Caribbean also bound Scots and English together in a shared Atlantic imperial enterprise and played a key role in the emergence of the British nation and the Atlantic world.

The 'Indian Room' label from Osterley's bell-pull system illustrates the economic and cultural aspects of the relationship between country houses and the British Empire. This book is a study of that relationship, of the ways in which country houses like Osterley served as venues for the expression of personal and national imperial engagement between 1700 and 1930. A rare scholarly analysis of the history of country houses that goes beyond an architectural or biographical study, and recognises their importance as the physical embodiments of imperial wealth and reflectors of imperial cultural influences, is presented. The book assesses the economic and cultural links between country houses and the Empire. In terms of imperial values, country houses expressed both the economic and cultural impact of empire. Carr and Gladstone were only two of the many examples of colonial merchants who turned landed magnates. Nabobs - men who made their fortunes either as employees of the East India Company or as 'free traders' in India - were willing to risk their lives in pursuit of wealth. Like nabobs, planters went to the colonies in search of wealth and were prepared to spend substantial time there in order to accumulate it. Military and naval were among categories of people who purchased landed estates with imperial wealth. The book identifies four discourses of empire - commodities, cosmopolitanism, conquest and collecting - that provided the basic categories in which empire was represented in country-house context.

Anandi Ramamurthy

over plantation production throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. These advertisements highlight the way in which a particular mode of production that suited tea planters was continuously represented. In consequence, the image of the plantation labourer became one of the dominant representations of Indians in the commercial culture of the period. It is particularly interesting

in Imperial persuaders
Trevor Burnard

began in the mid fifteenth century, before Columbus’s voyages to the New World, and which lasted until 1888 when Brazil became the last society to abolish slavery, is to analyse the meanings for planters, traders, and enslaved people of the constant violence that enveloped this system.4 In this chapter, I use violence as an analytic category in order to demonstrate how brutality, violence, and death were not mere by-products of the extremely lucrative early modern plantation system but were the sine qua non of that plantation world. This approach requires

in A global history of early modern violence
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The culture of free trade versus the culture of anti-slavery in Britain and the British Caribbean, 1840–50
Philip Harling

production. But after emancipation they were seen to protect the ‘great experiment’ in free-labour sugar from the slave-made sugar of Cuba and Brazil, which was cheaper to produce and taking an ever-growing share of the world market. So widely felt was the need to safeguard British West Indian ex-slaves and planters from direct competition with slave sugar in 1833 that MPs rejected the Radical free

in The cultural construction of the British world
Mary Chamberlain

… is the structure of a shared moral universe … that makes possible a collective (though rarely coordinated) action born of moral outrage. 2 The planters had a monopoly on local employment, controlled access to poor relief and pensions (until the Richardson reforms), owned most of the land on which their labourers rested their houses

in Empire and nation-building in the Caribbean
Douglas J. Hamilton

trusteeship to a more entrepreneurial imperial setting. Not only were Scots employed by planters, but many were landowners themselves, and they acted as magnets for employment applications. If they returned to Britain as absentees, their need to employ reliable attorneys and managers became all the greater if they were to continue to enjoy profits from their estates. Jamaica and the Leeward

in Scotland, the Caribbean and the Atlantic world 1750–1820
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Katie Donington

paid £1,500 per annum. As Agent for the largest and most powerful of the Caribbean possessions, George became the leading spokesman for the West India interest in Britain. His appointment came at a crucial time; with the campaign to defend the slave trade lost, the planters and merchants were left in a precarious situation. Metropolitan consciousness had been awakened and it

in The bonds of family