While most of the Germans who suffered expulsion during the First World War lived within British shores, the Royal Navy brought Germans from throughout the world to face incarceration in the their network of camp. This book offers a new interpretation of global migration from the early nineteenth until the early twentieth century. It examines the elite German migrants who progressed to India, especially missionaries, scholars and scientists, businessmen and travellers. The book investigates the reasons for the migration of Germans to India. An examination of the realities of German existence in India follows. It then examines the complex identities of the Germans in India in the century before the First World War. The role of the role of racism, orientalism and Christianity is discussed. The stereotypes that emerged from travelogues include: an admiration of Indian landscapes; contempt for Hinduism; criticism of the plight of women; and repulsion at cityscapes. The book moves to focus upon the transformation which took place as a result of this conflict, mirroring the plight of Germans in other parts of the world. The marginalisation which took place in 1920 closely mirrored the plight of the German communities throughout the British Empire. The unique aspect of the experience in India consisted of the birth of a national identity. Finally, the book places the experience of the Germans in India into four contexts: the global history of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; German history; history of the British Empire in India; and Indian history.
in its invariably supportive depiction of Leila’s plight. 2 Arguably, an Arab American community might have forced her to marry Ali and to put family honour before women’s rights. However, Selbak’s fictional gesture advocates a growing sensitivity towards the plights of women, while challenging Western perspectives on Muslim communities which label them as inexorably patriarchal. Selbak thus attempts to strike a representational balance, enacting a critique of Islamic patriarchal attitudes while challenging calcified Western views on Islam and Muslims
were allowed to vote in 1918 and 21-year olds (the age of male suffrage) followed in 1928. But women’s suffrage was not the breakthrough which it might at first appear. It had been hoped, and even assumed, that once women were given a political voice many other benefits would automatically follow. With politicians now accountable to women and seeking their votes, surely they would begin to listen to demands for further concessions. Furthermore, the movement had been almost exclusively middle class in character. There was little interest in the plight of women in
heterosexist, is also tuning itself to the diverse plights of women. Finally, interrogating the position of the Muslim self in queer time and place allowed us to investigate Abdellah Taïa’s postcolonial queer melancholia, triggered by social injustice in the postcolonial nation and by systemic homophobia, while offering Sufism, women’s religiosity, and queer diasporic fraternity as places of safety against the strictures of racism and Islamicate heteronormativity. We then examined how Rabih Alameddine’s Druze sensibility sutures religious traditions
this narrative, widespread support could be achieved.13 ‘The women seemed to be the special object of the rage of these [?] soldiers’. James Wroe’s comment in the Manchester Observer on 21 August is illustrative of the narrative regarding the treatment of women conveyed in the press.14 In The Times on 19 August, John Tyas describes ‘a woman on the ground, insensible, to all outward appearance, and with two large gouts of blood on her left breast.’15 The plight of women at Peterloo was also addressed on 21 August in the Leeds Mercury which states: ‘Sex itself could
for in her opening chapter, which proposes taking ‘empirical women–nature connections seriously’ to find solutions to environmental destruction and its connection to the subordination of women. 28 Importantly for our own interests here and in anticipation of the new materialist and posthuman concerns that were to arise in subsequent decades, she writes of the way in which ‘trees, water, animals, toxins, and nature language are feminist issues because understanding them helps one understand the status and plight of women cross-culturally’. 29 It may be fashionable
In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.
parents only aided them with their advice’. 41 These papers expressed the NIA’s tone from its very inception regarding the role of women in the reform of India. Its first annual report listed the ‘educa tion and improvement of women’ as one of the four immediate ‘wants of India’. 42 Almost every issue contained an article describing the plight of women in India or calling for
, or not taken, by white men – marrying their Indonesian concubines, for instance, or legitimising their Eurasian children. Of particular interest in this respect are several romances by women authors which take up the plight of women and children who were especially vulnerable to the caprices of the system. Some popular titles illustrate the contemporary concerns: White and Brown (1893), and A
receive less pay than their male counterparts, they were subjected to frequent sexual harassment and unsanitary crudities. Cooper portrayed the cotton mills as cramped, filthy quarters, describing how the winding room floor was invariably drenched with menstrual blood because women rarely had access to sanitary protection.45 The Manchester and Salford Trades’ Council was not entirely sympathetic to the plight of women in the workplace. The councils’ president, R.W. Walters, believed that ‘the proper place of woman was not in the workshop but at home.’46 In January 1895