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From the Victorian period to the present, images of the policeman have played a prominent role in the literature of empire, shaping popular perceptions of colonial policing. This book covers and compares the different ways and means that were employed in policing policies from 1830 to 1940. Countries covered range from Ireland, Australia, Africa and India to New Zealand and the Caribbean. As patterns of authority, of accountability and of consent, control and coercion evolved in each colony the general trend was towards a greater concentration of police time upon crime. The most important aspect of imperial linkage in colonial policing was the movement of personnel from one colony to another. To evaluate the precise role of the 'Irish model' in colonial police forces is at present probably beyond the powers of any one scholar. Policing in Queensland played a vital role in the construction of the colonial social order. In 1886 the constabulary was split by legislation into the New Zealand Police Force and the standing army or Permanent Militia. The nature of the British influence in the Klondike gold rush may be seen both in the policy of the government and in the actions of the men sent to enforce it. The book also overviews the role of policing in guarding the Gold Coast, police support in 1954 Sudan, Orange River Colony, Colonial Mombasa and Kenya, as well as and nineteenth-century rural India.
In times of national security, scholars and activists who hail from the communities under suspicion attempt to draw readers and listeners to the complexity of the world we inhabit. For those who campaigned against the SUS law in the 1980s, when young Black men were being routinely stopped in the streets, the wave of counter-terrorism legislation and policy that exists today will be very familiar. Similarly, recent discussions about the impact of drill music in the culture of young Black men has drawn questions around the ways in which they should be securitised, with senior police calling for the use of terrorism legislation against them. In this environment, when those who study and have lived alongside the communities who are at the scrutiny of the state raise questions about the government, military and police policy, they are often shut down as terrorist-sympathisers, or apologists for gang culture. In such environments, there is an expectation on scholars and activists to condemn what society at large fears. This volume is about how that expectation has emerged alongside the normalisation of racism, and how these writers choose to subvert the expectations raised on them, as part of their commitment to anti-racism.
located themselves firmly outside the arena of partisan controversy.20 Many of the politicians, professionals and intellectuals associated with the NCCL were also involved with other non-party and cross-party groups and they understood the NCCL to represent a challenge to the National Government’s policing policy that was not allied to party politics. In the wider political context, after the split with Labour leader Ramsay MacDonald following the formation of the first Labour National Government in 1931, the progressively more left-focused Labour Party was essentially
term incorrectly suggests that local police can protect illegalised migrants from federal immigration authorities: The term ‘sanctuary city’ is a misnomer when used to describe community policing policies which attempt to eliminate fear from those who worry that reporting a crime or interacting with local law enforcement could result in deportation, (American Immigration Council, 2015 ) While urban sanctuary policies and practices in
Jewish communities, and was abhorrent to those who valued individual liberty. Lawrence’s view of Olympia as a watershed for fascist violence has been questioned, as discussed earlier.64 Nevertheless, the wide support for the NCCL’s aims suggests there was, as Lawrence argues, a substantial body of opinion that found political violence unacceptable. Further, it suggests that this extended to condemnation of policing policies that appeared to tolerate violent fascist provocation. Through the activities of the NCCL these views were articulated in the parliamentary arena
force, as opposed to arresting protestors, was introduced as a new tactic for quelling resistance. The levels of police violence provoked shocked responses on all sides of the dispute, including people who had worked on the project – ‘been out of it [the gas project] for years but I was pretty horrified though at the images of the guards beating people up, that was horrific, but that’s a totally different question, that’s about … Irish policing policy’ (Peter, former CEO of Enterprise). Peter is correct in stating that the police response was part of a wider policing
‘broken windows’ theory which served as a rationale for the zero-tolerance policing policies pursued by city mayors such as Rudolph Giuliani of New York, addressed the ‘marriage problem’. Wilson subscribed to the critique offered by the ‘marriage movement’, its defining assumptions, and the policy conclusions that it drew. Indeed, he not only signed the movement’s Statement of Principles in 2000, but at times went further. Wilson sought ways of making divorce more ‘costly’ by, for example, making fundamental changes to the law: Perhaps the easiest way to make divorces
1936 were conceived in the NCCL’s police discrimination campaign and in the demands of the mostly Labour MPs that supported the aims of a civil liberties pressure group, rather than from any explicit policing policy or objectives. Although the NCCL did not officially affiliate to anti-fascism until the summer of 1936 many of the cases it pursued involved Jewish organisations or individuals. The NCCL newsletter from October 1935 drew attention to the reluctance of the police to take any action against the anti-semitic rhetoric of BUF speakers despite the extreme
scepticism about public order policing policies and considerable consensus with the NCCL’s campaign that Strauss had drawn widely upon in his Commons motion.83 The Commissioner anticipated that there would be trouble whenever the ban in the East End was lifted but he was not convinced that there was a strong argument for re-imposing it beyond March 1938. Labour leaders viewed a further extension with growing concern. Herbert Morrison wanted Hoare to be aware of ‘signs of restiveness among his people at the continuance of the prohibition’.84 However, Special Branch
Following initial disorder in early July 1981, a lower-profile police approach – an apparent effort to liaise with residents –helped reduce tensions.19 However, representatives of the community criticised Chief Constable Kenneth Oxford’s general policing policies and the Liverpool 8 Defence Committee –a local name for the area referring to Toxteth’s postal district –demanded his dismissal, believing him to be the main impediment to improved police/community relations.20 Significantly, officers deployed from other forces during disorders reportedly had friendlier