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Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

shores of the wealthy by keeping those who suffer ‘over there’. Whatever the reasons, the fact that international and local NGOs are heroically working to deal with the consequences of disaster and conflict allows the deeper reasons for inequities of power and money to go unchallenged. It performs the role of alibi, in other words, for the political actors whose foreign-policy choices lie behind many of our major international crises. For example, for powerful states who had to navigate the end of the Cold War and the renewed process of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
How IPC Data is Communicated through the Media to Trigger Emergency Responses
François Enten

give a scientific stamp to diagnoses and aid policy choices, they are regularly put into question when unexpected food crises trigger institutional crises due to inappropriate diagnoses, swept away by the emotional registers of collective mobilisations ( Bonnecase, 2010 ; Enten, 2017 ). Today, much of contemporary analysis of famine has been consolidated under the IPC, intending to follow a ‘technical consensus’ process based on the convergence of evidences from various

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Criticisms, futures, alternatives

In the late 1990s Third Way governments were in power across Europe - and beyond, in the USA and Brazil, for instance. The Third Way experiment was one that attracted attention worldwide. The changes made by Left parties in Scandinavia, Holland, France or Italy since the late 1980s are as much part of Third Way politics as those developed in Anglo-Saxon countries. Since the early 1990s welfare reform has been at the heart of the Centre-Left's search for a new political middle way between post-war social democracy and Thatcherite Conservatism. For Tony Blair, welfare reform was key to establishing his New Labour credentials - just as it was for Bill Clinton and the New Democrats in the USA. Equality has been 'the polestar of the Left', and the redefinition of this concept by Giddens and New Labour marks a significant departure from post-war social democratic goals. The most useful way of approaching the problem of the Blair Government's 'Third Way' is to apply the term to its 'operational code': the precepts, assumptions and ideas that actually inform policy choice. The choice would be the strategy of public-private partnership (PPP) or the Private Finance Initiative (PFI), as applied to health policy. New Labour is deeply influenced by the thoughts and sentiments of Amitai Etzioni and the new communitarian movement. Repoliticisation is what stands out from all the contributions of reconstructing the Third Way along more progressive lines.

The German left and the crisis
Knut Roder

Introduction Germany's approach to tackling the financial and Eurozone crises was central to the entire issue. However, analyses have tended to focus almost entirely on the policy choices taken by Angela Merkel's centre right Christian Democratic Party. Surprisingly little attention has been given to the policy positions developed and adopted by Germany's political parties on the centre left, even though their policies have been those of a junior coalition partner and are potentially those of a future governing party. On

in The European left and the financial crisis
Timothy J. White

recognising their policy choices rested on the decisions made by others. The complexity of this interaction came to be appreciated by the actors themselves who demonstrated sensitivity to their negotiating partners. Cooperation theory allows us to understand how and why leaders pursuing their own agenda come to support those who have different and perhaps even diametrically opposed interests. Cooperation theory Robert Axelrod is principally responsible for the development of cooperation theory,1 and his theory of cooperation stresses the interconnectedness of leaders

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland
Abstract only
Stephen Benedict Dyson

’s foreign policy style and worldview? • What difference did the Blair style make to British foreign policy choices during this period? • What difference did Blair make to the outcome of events and the policies of others, especially the United States? Tony Blair and British foreign policy The irony of making an extended argument about the significance of Tony Blair in international politics is that Blair entered office focused almost entirely upon domestic affairs and with little foreign policy experience. Clare Short, who served in a key foreign policy post as Secretary

in The Blair identity
Katja Biedenkopf
Alexander Mattelaer

various factors that can explain foreign policy processes and outcomes (Hudson 2005 : 3), including aspects extracted from policy diffusion and transfer literature can complement and enrich the analysis. Policy diffusion and transfer can be linked to foreign policy in two ways. First, they can be seen as an instrument of foreign policy and, second, they can provide an analytical lens for explaining certain foreign policy choices. When countries purposefully support and foster the diffusion and transfer of their own policy through activities

in Foreign policy as public policy?
Abstract only
How federalism encourages economic diversification in the United Arab Emirates
Karen E. Young

Introduction Since the sharp decline in oil prices in late 2014, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members have become more competitive with each other in altering their policy landscapes to streamline fiscal expenditure, to create new sources of government revenue, and to attract foreign investment and resident investors. We can see diversity in approaches to economic diversification in many policy choices, but labour market regulation and rights of foreign investors stand out to distinguish how the GCC states view their

in Oil and the political economy in the Middle East
Atul Bhardwaj

recent decline in US authority over global affairs has gradually led twenty-first-century American presidents to once again move from courting China to confronting and containing it. This increasingly demands the direct application of US hard power. In the 1950s and 1960s, US presidents depended largely on the army to implement their Pacific policies. From 2009 Obama made the US Navy the linchpin in his Asia Pacific strategy, a policy choice to which President Donald Trump from 2017 added more marine machismo. This chapter argues that, as more than a foreign policy

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
João Labareda

state of affairs is reinforced by a fierce competition amongst member states regarding corporate taxes and labour laws. In turn, I argue that poor policy choices can only partially explain the levels of indebtedness of the currently distressed member states. I claim that the design of the Eurozone and the “distributive vicious circle” I just mentioned played an important role in the origins of the Eurocrisis. In addition, I argue that freedom of movement generates two types of distributive obligations. First, EU mobile workers should be protected from the social risks

in Towards a just Europe