discussion of policy evolution within the EL with a look at how this development poses threats to the EL that seem to be leading it to prioritise maximum organisational unity over policycoherence in the run-up to the 2019 European Parliament elections.
Conclusion: Divisions within the EL after the Greek experience
In February 2018, it was reported that Jean-Luc Mélenchon's PG, a core component of his FI electoral coalition and a member party of the EL, was calling for the expulsion of Syriza from EL membership. A
The first European Union's (EU) enlargement of the twenty-first century coincides with a period of international tension and transition. Tensions have been apparent over: the war in Iraq, the 'War on Terror', immigration, organised crime, ethnic confrontation, human rights, energy resources and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). The EU has made genuine progress in developing its security policies since the launch of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) in the Treaty on European Union (TEU). This book examines the impact that enlargement will have on leadership within the EU, a pre-requisite for policy coherence. It focuses on what has been Europe's most significant region in terms of security challenges and international responses since the end of the Cold War: the Balkan. The book provides an overview of the foreign policy priorities and interests of the new member states (NMS), highlighting areas of match and mismatch with those of the EU fifteen. Counter-terrorism has emerged from the shadows of the EU's Third Pillar, and has been propelled to the forefront of the EU's internal agenda, driven by the demands of the 'War on Terror'. The book discusses the core elements of the EU's emerging common external border management, with a focus on the creation of the EU's new External Borders Agency and the Schengen Borders Code. While the first two are declarative partnership and declarative negativism, the last two reflect the struggle between pragmatism and Soviet-style suspicion of Western bureaucrats.
Overview of conflict and assistance from 2001 to 2014
Eric James and Tim Jacoby
Afghanistan from 2001 to 2014 with a focus on
international actors. It will be shown that, apart from the
military–humanitarian relationship, close and overlapping
interests continue with the linkage between security and
development, policycoherence and a belligerence that does not
recognize the separation between humanitarian and military spheres.
These interlinked issues contributed
The EU’s agricultural and fisheries policies and Africa
relationship which has been heavily influenced by policy interventions
on both sides. In the Joint Africa–EU Strategy (JAES) (European Union,
2000) adopted at the second EU–Africa Summit in Lisbon in 2007, the
EU along with Africa committed in the area of agriculture to promoting policycoherence for development, food security, food safety and
food quality. Policycoherence for development means that the EU,
in pursuing its domestic policies, will seek to avoid creating barriers
to African development and, where possible, will actively use these
Security and enlargement into the twenty-first century
Alistair J.K. Shepherd
reaching consensus on security
issues. Consensus may become more elusive with the addition of a further
ten states. This volume explores how the widening of interests, agendas
and capabilities will affect the deepening of integration. It also
examines the impact that enlargement will have on leadership within the
EU, a pre-requisite for policycoherence. Across the chapters, a key
–humanitarian relations. The
underlying reasons for inter-organizational friction have been: the
blurring of the line between the humanitarian and military spheres;
reduced humanitarian space; and policycoherence. The basic causes
behind these underlying reasons included several factors such as
policy dysfunction and a culture clash between organizations. This
friction resulted in resistance and
The limits of the EU’s external dimension of migration in Africa
Tine Van Criekinge
Council adopted the PolicyCoherence for Development
(PCD) Strategy, stressing the need for improvement in the coherence
between 12 non-
aid policy areas, including migration and development, in order to meet the Millennium Development Goals by 2015.
Specifically, the EU sought to promote managed labour migration,
improve remittance flows, turn the brain drain into brain gain, promote
responsible recruitment practises, diaspora engagement and South–
South migration management (European Commission, 2005: 15).
The Commission’s Communication on Migration and Development
Coherence, leadership and the ‘greening’ of development
factor the external dimension into its
internal policymaking’ (European Commission, 2005a: 6).
This statement links very well to the second challenge, that of policycoherence. Environmental issues are cross-
cutting issues, something
explicitly recognised by the European Consensus on Development
(Lamin, 2004; Dearden, 2008: 190), which means they touch upon
other bureaucratic competences, such as energy, agriculture and transport. Given the ambiguous position of energy policy within the EU
(see Hadfield, 2006) and the complexity of development cooperation
Globalization, established by the ILO in 2002.
Social objectives also became integrated into the EU’s main development policy strategies. The ‘social dimension of globalization, promotion of employment and decent work’ formed one of the 12 areas of the
PolicyCoherence for Development document (European Commission,
2005: 13–14). Equally, the European Consensus on Development –
presented as an alternative to the Washington Consensus in EU relations
with the global South – included a separate section on ‘social cohesion
Policies and partnerships
encouraging its efficient use appears as part of the answer.
The resource wealth of sub-Saharan Africa is not of course mentioned,
The energy–development nexus223
only passing references under the aegis of ‘the sustainable management
of natural resources’.
The 2005 Consensus focused on policycoherence and suggested
for the first time that all Union activities should be coordinated to
ensure a coherent and consistent approach in development policy. This
was further strengthened by the 2007 Report on PolicyCoherence
for Development in which the EU explicitly ‘seeks to