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Richard Dunphy and Luke March

discussion of policy evolution within the EL with a look at how this development poses threats to the EL that seem to be leading it to prioritise maximum organisational unity over policy coherence in the run-up to the 2019 European Parliament elections. Conclusion: Divisions within the EL after the Greek experience In February 2018, it was reported that Jean-Luc Mélenchon's PG, a core component of his FI electoral coalition and a member party of the EL, was calling for the expulsion of Syriza from EL membership. A

in The European Left Party
Wider Europe, weaker Europe?

The first European Union's (EU) enlargement of the twenty-first century coincides with a period of international tension and transition. Tensions have been apparent over: the war in Iraq, the 'War on Terror', immigration, organised crime, ethnic confrontation, human rights, energy resources and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). The EU has made genuine progress in developing its security policies since the launch of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) in the Treaty on European Union (TEU). This book examines the impact that enlargement will have on leadership within the EU, a pre-requisite for policy coherence. It focuses on what has been Europe's most significant region in terms of security challenges and international responses since the end of the Cold War: the Balkan. The book provides an overview of the foreign policy priorities and interests of the new member states (NMS), highlighting areas of match and mismatch with those of the EU fifteen. Counter-terrorism has emerged from the shadows of the EU's Third Pillar, and has been propelled to the forefront of the EU's internal agenda, driven by the demands of the 'War on Terror'. The book discusses the core elements of the EU's emerging common external border management, with a focus on the creation of the EU's new External Borders Agency and the Schengen Borders Code. While the first two are declarative partnership and declarative negativism, the last two reflect the struggle between pragmatism and Soviet-style suspicion of Western bureaucrats.

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Overview of conflict and assistance from 2001 to 2014
Eric James and Tim Jacoby

Afghanistan from 2001 to 2014 with a focus on international actors. It will be shown that, apart from the military–humanitarian relationship, close and overlapping interests continue with the linkage between security and development, policy coherence and a belligerence that does not recognize the separation between humanitarian and military spheres. These interlinked issues contributed

in The military-humanitarian complex in Afghanistan
The EU’s agricultural and fisheries policies and Africa
Alan Matthews

trade relationship which has been heavily influenced by policy interventions on both sides. In the Joint Africa–EU Strategy (JAES) (European Union, 2000) adopted at the second EU–Africa Summit in Lisbon in 2007, the EU along with Africa committed in the area of agriculture to promoting policy coherence for development, food security, food safety and food quality. Policy coherence for development means that the EU, in pursuing its domestic policies, will seek to avoid creating barriers to African development and, where possible, will actively use these policies to

in The European Union in Africa
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Security and enlargement into the twenty-first century
Alistair J.K. Shepherd

reaching consensus on security issues. Consensus may become more elusive with the addition of a further ten states. This volume explores how the widening of interests, agendas and capabilities will affect the deepening of integration. It also examines the impact that enlargement will have on leadership within the EU, a pre-requisite for policy coherence. Across the chapters, a key theme emerges

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement
Authors: Richard Dunphy and Luke March

Transnational party federations (TNPs) have been critical prisms through which to analyse the EU’s tensions between intergovernmentalism and supranationalism. This study focuses on the radical left TNP, the European Left Party (EL), founded in 2004. It centres on four general questions: first; the conditions under which TNPs might be successful; second, how the EL compares with other TNPs, particularly those of the broad centre-left, the Party of European Socialists (PES) and the European Green Party (EGP); third, to what extent the EL has fostered a consensus over positions towards the EU previously conspicuously lacking among the radical left; and fourth, the degree to which the EL has enabled an increase in the electoral or policy influence of the radical left in Europe. The study highlights the strengths and weaknesses of TNPs as networks of Europeanisation; they have important roles in the EU political system but remain timid actors with only selectively developed transnationalism. It shows how the EL is a paradoxical actor; on the one hand it has brought radical left transnational co-operation to historical highs; on the other it is both less influential than the PES and less transnational and consolidated than the EGP. Such paradoxes result from persistent internal divisions between Europeanists and sovereigntists, as well as suboptimal internal structures. The influence of the EL is also paradoxical. It has emerged as a centre of attraction for the European radical left promoting the Left Europeanist position, but is a long way from being hegemonic or unchallenged on the left.

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Eric James and Tim Jacoby

–humanitarian relations. The underlying reasons for inter-organizational friction have been: the blurring of the line between the humanitarian and military spheres; reduced humanitarian space; and policy coherence. The basic causes behind these underlying reasons included several factors such as policy dysfunction and a culture clash between organizations. This friction resulted in resistance and

in The military-humanitarian complex in Afghanistan
The limits of the EU’s external dimension of migration in Africa
Tine Van Criekinge

Council adopted the Policy Coherence for Development (PCD) Strategy, stressing the need for improvement in the coherence between 12 non-­ aid policy areas, including migration and development, in order to meet the Millennium Development Goals by 2015. Specifically, the EU sought to promote managed labour migration, improve remittance flows, turn the brain drain into brain gain, promote responsible recruitment practises, diaspora engagement and South– South migration management (European Commission, 2005: 15). The Commission’s Communication on Migration and Development

in The European Union in Africa
Coherence, leadership and the ‘greening’ of development
Simon Lightfoot

factor the external dimension into its internal policymaking’ (European Commission, 2005a: 6). This statement links very well to the second challenge, that of policy coherence. Environmental issues are cross-­ cutting issues, something explicitly recognised by the European Consensus on Development (Lamin, 2004; Dearden, 2008: 190), which means they touch upon other bureaucratic competences, such as energy, agriculture and transport. Given the ambiguous position of energy policy within the EU (see Hadfield, 2006) and the complexity of development cooperation structures

in The European Union in Africa
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The social dimension of EU–Africa relations
Jan Orbie

Globalization, established by the ILO in 2002. Social objectives also became integrated into the EU’s main development policy strategies. The ‘social dimension of globalization, promotion of employment and decent work’ formed one of the 12 areas of the Policy Coherence for Development document (European Commission, 2005: 13–14). Equally, the European Consensus on Development – ­presented as an alternative to the Washington Consensus in EU relations with the global South – included a separate section on ‘social cohesion 284 Policies and partnerships and employment

in The European Union in Africa