Can Russia, the European Union and the three major EU member states adopt a unified policy line in the global arena? This book investigates the cohesiveness of ‘greater Europe’ through the detailed scrutiny of policy statements by the leadership elites in the UK, France, Germany, Russia and the EU in connection with three defining events in international security. The crisis in Kosovo of 1999; the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the Iraq crisis of 2003. This extensive empirical enquiry results in a critical constructivist response to neorealist understandings of European security. The book contrasts the EU's new way of ‘doing security’ with the established, competitive bilateral interplay in the European security sphere and provides a clue to the kind of security politics that will prevail in Europe. A joint Moscow Brussels approach would improve the chances of both increasing their relative strength vis-a-vis the USA, but serious cleavages threaten to undermine such a ‘greater European’ common view on security. The book considers the extent to which the major European players pursue similar objectives, and assesses the possible implications for and the chances of greater Europe emerging as a cohesive global actor.
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian
( Bugnion, 2003 :
125–6; Taithe, 2016 : 43–7).
However, it is over the past thirty years that these concerns have been addressed by
increasingly professionalised approaches ( Gentile, 2011 ; Neuman, 2016a :
26-28; Stoddard et al. ,
2006 : 21–35). The expansion and professionalisation of efforts to
protect the local civilian population in contexts of armed conflict is evident in
the range of policystatements, handbooks and guidelines ( Global Protection
dimension.1 Indeed, within a month of the Sunningdale’s demise, the
SDLP released a policystatement which made clear that there would be no
departure from the party’s essential political programme:
The SDLP stands firmly by the policies … for which we have received a clear
mandate. We regret the suggestions that because of the fall of the Northern
Ireland Executive’s [sic] new policies must be found. … We shall not be
deterred … from our conviction that the only basis for a solution to the problems of this community must be partnerships between both sections of
Integration as social inclusion
No society can view without deep concern the prospect of a significant minority
of people becoming more removed from the incomes and lifestyles of the
majority. (National Anti-Poverty Strategy, 1997)
The first major Irish immigration policystatement, Integration: A Two Way
Process (2000) advocated the integration of refugees and immigrants into Irish
society through employment promotion measures and through addressing
specific barriers of discrimination, non-recognition of qualifications and lack
of fluency in English.1 The
U.S.–India military cooperation in the twenty-first century
Over the past two decades, the U.S.–India strategic relationship has
consolidated to become one of the defining elements shaping the future of
Asian security. While the relationship has made significant leaps in face of
considerable obstacles during that period, significant impediments remain
that prevent it from achieving its full potential. In this chapter, the
current state of the U.S.–India military relationship is examined in terms
of a conceptual schema, where political congruence between two countries
leads to shared political-military objectives which would then drive
military interoperability between the sovereign forces. It explicates the
state of play from an Indian perspective when it comes to all of these three
dimensions through a study of policy statements and prognoses, both official
as well as those emanating from the country’s strategic elite. The chapter
concludes that domestic determinants of India’s foreign and security policy–
both ideational as well as structural – adversely affect all three. Noting
that these factors are unlikely to dissolve soon, the chapter looks at
alternative pathways for U.S.–India defense cooperation for the future.
Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons. The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.
This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. In contrast to existing studies that have emphasised the role played by modernity, it argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory over time. It outlines how Labour, at both an elite and a grassroots level, has been and remains heavily influenced by a nostalgic commitment to an era of heroic male industrial working-class struggle. This commitment has hindered policy discussion, determined the form that the modernisation process has taken and shaped internal conflict and cohesion. More broadly, Labour’s emotional attachment to the past has made it difficult for the party to adjust to the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Britain. In short, nostalgia has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this book offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature and demands of post-war Britain.
Deporting Black Britons provides an ethnographic account of deportation from the UK to Jamaica. It traces the painful stories of four men who were deported after receiving criminal convictions in the UK. For each of the men, all of whom had moved to the UK as children, deportation was lived as exile – from parents, partners, children and friends – and the book offers portraits of survival and hardship in both the UK and Jamaica. Based on over four years of research, Deporting Black Britons describes the human consequences of deportation, while situating deportation stories within the broader context of policy, ideology, law and violence. It examines the relationship between racism, criminalisation and immigration control in contemporary Britain, suggesting new ways of thinking about race, borders and citizenship in these anti-immigrant times. Ultimately, the book argues that these stories of exile and banishment should orient us in the struggle against violent immigration controls, in the UK and elsewhere.
The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.