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The Muscovy Company and Giles Fletcher, the elder (1546–1611)

This book tells the story of English relations with Russia, from the 'strange and wonderfull discoverie' of the land and Elizabeth I's correspondence with Ivan the Terrible, to the corruption of the Muscovy Company and the Elizabethan regime's censorship of politically sensitive representations of Russia. Focusing on the life and works of Giles Fletcher, the elder, ambassador to Russia in 1588, it explores two popular themes in Elizabethan history: exploration, travel and trade and late Elizabethan political culture. The book draws together and analyses the narratives of travel, the practicalities of trade and the discourses of commonwealth and corruption that defined English encounters in late sixteenth century. In the early stages of English mercantile contact with Russia, diplomatic negotiations took shape in the wake of developing trade relations and were made up of a series of ad hoc embassies by individuals. The embassy of Giles Fletcher in 1588, however, represented a change in diplomatic tack. Fletcher's writing of Russia reveals some shared Elizabethan images of the land on Christendom's periphery and fundamentally how Russia was used as a site to reflect on themes of cultural development, commonwealth, trade and colonisation. The extensive use in Fletcher's text of the language of anti-popery points to resonances with the anxieties that riddled the political and religious consciences of late Elizabethan England. His work engaged in cajoling the commonwealth to think with the image of Russia.

Dafydd Jones

intended to ‘force Mr Hugo Ball … to pay for alimony’ (van den Berg 1996: 72). Such intimacy is as may be, but the impact of the appalling reality that Ball had now seen with his own eyes at the Belgian front, scenes ‘fearful, shocking and tragic beyond anything the theatre could produce’ (Melzer 1994: 25–6), did indeed banish his theatrical aspirations to a very remote place, and impressed upon him the moral bankruptcy of art and art-making that did not rise to the challenge of its own political conscience. The dilemma was a stubborn one for Ball. The first summer of

in Back to the Futurists
Drawings by Peruvian Shining Path war survivors
Anouk Guiné

highest social form, elevated their political conscience, arming it with Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Guiding their thinking, it strengthened their fighting spirit, organised it into a Popular Guerrilla Army, uniting them with the poor peasant masses, sharpening their body and spirit in the inextinguishable forge of the people’s war. Once turned into prisoners they never kneeled Iconography of a prison massacre down, but continued to fight; mobilising and producing in fervent struggle, they transformed the squalid dungeons of the old and rotten Peruvian state in shining

in Art, Global Maoism and the Chinese Cultural Revolution
Martin Green

as a German saw it. Before becoming an educational theorist, Campe served as a military chaplain in the Prussian army. This was in the days when Prussia was a shining example of enlightened despotism, and a home of advanced ideas; but was still clearly a military state. Campe’s political conscience and his enthusiasm for self-determination accommodated that – as did Fichte’s conscience and that of

in Imperialism and juvenile literature
Open Access (free)
How anarchism still matters
Jonathan Purkis and James Bowen

anarchist, yet maintain many characteristics associated with anarchism. This is particularly the case with the new social movements discussed in the chapters by Morland and Purkis (chapters 1 and 2), the structures and critiques of which have been linked to anarchism (Cahill, 1992; Welsh, 1997, 2000). These processes have intensified with the huge networks known as the ‘alternative globalisation movement’ (Chesters, 2003). It is in these contexts that anarchism acts as a cultural resource and as a form of ‘political conscience’, irrespective of whether or not the

in Changing anarchism
Anarchism, militarism and the lessons of the First World War
Matthew S. Adams

discussion of All Quiet on the Western Front, Remarque’s book ‘is more a comment on the postwar mind, on the postwar view of war, than an attempt to reconstruct the reality of the trench experience’.82 Remarque’s autobiographical comment corroborates this reading, and it is a position shared by the British writers who looked back to the war in the late 1920s. Read continued to look back throughout his life, but his memories of the conflict were shaped by his growing political conscience – a reawakening of the passion for social change dampened in the wake of Versailles

in Anarchism, 1914–18
John McLeod

homophobia in the starkest fashion. Will’s subsequent medical treatment by his friend James also recalls the aftermath of Arthur’s injuries to which James attended. In a novel that makes much of doubling, here Will seems almost to substitute for the absent Arthur in this encounter with London’s insalubrious and threatening side, subjecting him to the kind of violent experience of London’s racism that claimed Taha’s life in the immediate post-war years. Previously, when Will imagined himself as racially different, his thinking and vocabulary bore no trace of political

in Alan Hollinghurst
Abstract only
Douglas Morrey

burgeoning political conscience was also present in the films that are largely about relationships. The films I discuss in this chapter are characterised by an interest in political and social issues that would become more marked in Godard’s cinema of the late 1960s: the Algerian war and prostitution. But, beyond their subject matter, perhaps the most significant factor linking these two films is a certain darkness of tone, a

in Jean-Luc Godard
Philosophy, politics and foreign policy in America’s ‘second modernity’
Vibeke Schou Tjalve and Michael C. Williams

closer examination see V. S. Tjalve, ‘Realism, pragmatism and the public sphere: Restraining foreign policy in an age of mass politics’, International Politics, 50:6 (2013), pp. 784–​97. 45 G.  Kateb, Hannah Arendt:  Politics, Conscience, Evil (Totowa:  Rowman & Alianheld, 1983), p. 18. 46 Garry Wills, Lincoln at Gettysburg:  The Words that Remade America (New  York:  Simon & Schuster, 1992), ­Chapter  3; Hans  J. Morgenthau and David Hein, Essays on Lincoln’s Faith and Politics (ed. Kenneth W. Thompson), Volume IV. (Lanham: University Press of America, 1983). 47 I

in American foreign policy
Russia’s resonances in late Elizabethan England
Felicity Jane Stout

. E. K. Chambers tells us, for instance, that Sir Francis Knollys wrote to Elizabeth in 1578 with uncomfortable counsel, but excused his behaviour with his political conscience, that he would not ‘play the partes of King Richard the Second’s men’.48 At some point before 1588, Henry Lord Hunsdon also claimed that ‘I never was one of Richard II’s men’ at court.49 Blair Worden similarly argues that the fear of weak tyranny in Elizabeth’s regime was obliquely expressed by Sir Philip Sidney in the various incarnations of his Arcadia during the late 1570s and early 1580s

in Exploring Russia in the Elizabethan commonwealth