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The genesis of Israeli policies of population management, surveillance and political control towards the Palestinian minority

Widely regarded as expert in techniques of surveillance and political control, Israel has been successful in controlling a native population for a long time. Despite tremendous challenges, it has maintained a tight grip over a large Palestinian population in the territories it occupied in the 1967 war. Moreover, it has effectively contained the Palestinian minority inside its 1948 borders. This book discusses the foundation of an Israeli discourse about the Palestinian minority, which Israeli leaders called birour or clarification, and the circumstances of its emergence and crystallization. It talks about the policy of constructing the Palestinians both as non-Jews and as an assortment of insular minorities. The fate of this minority was not only an Israeli internal affair but also an issue of concern to the international community. An analysis of the legal and institutional frameworks, and the role of state power in categorizing the Palestinians, follows. The book also analyses the ways state control and surveillance were implemented at the level of the locality. The book highlights the way state educational policy not just fostered the segmentation described earlier but promoted among students and educators. It then takes up the question of political rights and their meaning under the rule of Military Government. It concludes with personal reflections on the thousands of minutes, protocols, reports, plans and personal messages.

Writers in a common cause
Author: Carol Polsgrove

Across the continent of Africa, a web of laws silenced African speech. On the eve of World War II, a small, impoverished group of Africans and West Indians in London dared to imagine the end of British rule in Africa. Printing gave oppositions a voice, initially through broadsheets, tracts, pamphlets, later through books and articles. The group launched an anti-colonial campaign that used publishing as a pathway to liberation. These writers included West Indians George Padmore, C. L. R. James, and Ras Makonnen, Kenya's Jomo Kenyatta and Sierra Leone's I. T. A. Wallace Johnson. They formed a part of International African Service Bureau (IASB), and the communists saw them as "generals without an army, they have no base and must depend on their pens". Padmore saw 'trusteeship' as a concept invoked as far back as the late nineteenth-century conferences that divided up Africa. Pan-Africa, a monthly periodical T. Ras Makonnen put out, reported that Richard Wright urged his listeners to form an international network of 'cultured progressives'. Labour-powered nationalism was to Padmore more than a drive for self-government. With the Gold Coast political ground so unsettled, neither Nkrumah nor the Convention People's Party (CPP) made Wright privy to their operations. Inspired by the movement for self-government in British West African colonies, French radicals like Leopold Senghor were rebelling against French political control. In 1969, when a small American publisher reissued A History of Pan-African Revolt , James added to it an epilogue explaining the 'rapid decline of African nationalism'.

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Ahmad H. Sa’di

one, but with one addition: the voting results of the citizens in previous elections. A file was prepared for each village or tribe, and a table composed of two sections was affixed in it. The first section included the basic data for surveillance and political control purposes. It contained information regarding the demographic and religious composition of the residents, the names of the local leaders, sources of living, access roads, sources of drinking water, rivalries between hamulas or religious groups, the attitude of the community towards the state (index of

in Thorough surveillance
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Ahmad H. Sa’di

MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 08/19/2013, SPi Concluding remarks Reflections on Israeli policies Israeli policies of population management, surveillance and political control described in this book had not been entirely known before. Scholars who previously wrote on state–minority relations were largely guessing in the dark; thus, their assumptions and biases might have found their ways to the models or narratives they composed. Two widely held theses in Israeli social sciences were disproved in the current study: the absence of a clear state policy towards the

in Thorough surveillance
Michael Mulqueen

two acts governing the Garda provided for political control over the force. Consequently, it was necessary for government to intervene in the Garda, even in operational matters. This prompts the question, how might this interference – and the Garda’s longstanding ways of dealing with it – have impacted on policy re-evaluation after 9/11? Furthermore, the Garda’s statutory framework was revised in 2005

in Re-evaluating Irish national security policy
Televising Nicolae Ceauseşcu
Dana Mustata

interest, the question of what could be considered popular television at the time becomes even more pertinent. This chapter will provide a descriptive account of the ways in which political control of television in 1980s Romania led to grandiose representations of the regime and its dictator, Nicolae Ceauşescu. The chapter will go further in illustrating the ways in which such representations, far from being particular to the national and political context of Romania in the 1980s, were in fact quite common televisual representations of totalitarian regimes and

in Popular television in authoritarian Europe
Abstract only
John M. Mackenzie

’s greatest reluctance — offers further evidence. 5 In fact, as Robert Roberts in particular makes clear, the British had created a popular cultural dimension to match their remodelling of the world through economic and political control. That control could be exercised all the more confidently and be better understood by the public at large through the manufacture of cultural images

in Propaganda and Empire
Orla O’Donovan

being blamed for social sabotage, and resistance to its consumption becomes an act of public immorality. In convivial societies, political control of tools protects people against such compulsory consumption. The idea that there are critical limits within which tools should be used is central to Illich’s thesis, and he encourages us to interrogate every step along the way all processes regarding whether or when they cross the line. Returning to the example of genetic screening, we might ask: does pre-implantation genetic diagnosis take this tool too far? With his

in Mobilising classics
Ahmad H. Sa’di

shall discuss alternative modes of political participation through the formal channels and political contestation that Palestinians had undertaken. Overall, the discussion in this chapter aims to clarify the relationships between Israeli goals of political control and population management and the political rights which were granted to the Palestinians. Officially sanctioned venues of participation Although the Palestinians who had nominally become citizens of Israel (the nationality law would pass three years later) were permitted to participate in the first

in Thorough surveillance
Kristóf Gosztonyi

and organisation (until February 1994) and the later state of ‘disbanded’ political control in Herceg-Bosna, two aspects of para-state politics have to be examined. First, the increasing unification and bureaucratisation of control over spontaneously formed military defence units and secondly, the political leadership and the relation of Herceg-Bosna to Croatia. Unification and bureaucratic control of paramilitary units Paramilitary units already began to be formed at the end of the 1980s as tensions between the federal partners of the Yugoslav state were increasing

in Potentials of disorder