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Israelis memorialising the Palestinian Nakba
Author: Ronit Lentin

The 1948 war that led to the creation of the State of Israel also resulted in the destruction of Palestinian society, when some 80 per cent of the Palestinians who lived in the major part of Palestine upon which Israel was established became refugees. Israelis call the 1948 war their ‘War of Independence’ and the Palestinians their ‘Nakba’, or catastrophe. After many years of Nakba denial, land appropriation, political discrimination against the Palestinians within Israel and the denial of rights to Palestinian refugees, in recent years the Nakba is beginning to penetrate Israeli public discourse. This book explores the construction of collective memory in Israeli society, where the memory of the trauma of the Holocaust and of Israel's war dead competes with the memory claims of the dispossessed Palestinians. Taking an auto-ethnographic approach, it makes a contribution to social memory studies through a critical evaluation of the co-memoration of the Palestinian Nakba by Israeli Jews. Against a background of the Israeli resistance movement, the book's central argument is that co-memorating the Nakba by Israeli Jews is motivated by an unresolved melancholia about the disappearance of Palestine and the dispossession of the Palestinians, a melancholia which shifts mourning from the lost object to the grieving subject. The book theorises Nakba co-memory as a politics of resistance, counterpoising co-memorative practices by internally displaced Israeli Palestinians with Israeli Jewish discourses of the Palestinian right of return, and questions whether return narratives by Israeli Jews are ultimately about Israeli Jewish self-healing.

Jewish emancipation and the Jewish question
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

were designated a separate ‘nation’ within their various host societies, permitted to have their own religious and legal institutions, and yet subjected to all manner of occupational, fiscal, residential and political discriminations. The subordinate status of Jews had left most Jews in poverty, vulnerable to external persecution from the Church, state and people, and dependent internally on their own rabbinical and financial elites. The Enlightenment project

in Antisemitism and the left
Derek Birrell

’s initial intervention was a second Ombudsman office, which was unique to Northern Ireland. A Commissioner for Complaints was established in 1969 to investigate any written complaint made by an individual who claimed to have suffered injustice in consequence of maladministration in connection with administrative actions of any local government or other public body, including originally, complaints of religious and political discrimination. The two Ombudsmen therefore presented almost total coverage of public services. Shortly after the introduction of direct rule the two

in Direct rule and the governance of Northern Ireland
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A note on conceptual salvage
John Corner

in its capacities for political discrimination: The force of the term ideology lies in its capacity to discriminate between those power struggles which are somehow central to ‘IDEOLOGY’: A NOTE ON CONCEPTUAL SALVAGE 145 a whole form of social life and those which are not. (Eagleton, 1991: 8) The phrasing ‘somehow central’ strikes a note frequently heard throughout the book – a crucial vagueness compromises the propositional force of what appears to be a tough argument. Of the many discussions of Eagleton’s account, one of the most illuminating (and funny) is

in Theorising Media
Derek Birrell

specified that both the Parliament of Northern Ireland and the office of Governor of Northern Ireland should cease to exist. Part III of the Act contained provisions on human rights which outlawed religious and political discrimination in the public sector and set up a Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights. In the light of the Government’s commitment to an Irish dimension section 12 gave a Northern Ireland executive authority to enter into agreement with the Republic of Ireland in respect of any transferred matter. Following agreement on the basis for setting up a

in Direct rule and the governance of Northern Ireland
The Belfast Agreement, ‘equivalence of rights’ and the North–South dimension
Colm O’Cinneide

identified at an early stage as constituting one of the causal factors underlying the violence of the ‘Troubles’. As a result, the UK government eventually decided to supplement negative prohibitions on religious and political discrimination with the introduction of positive measures designed to ensure that employers took active steps to promote equal opportunities for both major

in Everyday life after the Irish conflict
The challenge of Northern Ireland
Duncan Morrow

) Programme for Cohesion, Sharing and Integration: Consultation Document. Belfast: OFMDFM. OFMDFM (2013) Together: Building a United Community. Belfast: OFMDFM. Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) (2004) Statistics Relating to the Security Situation in Northern Ireland. Belfast: PSNI. Potter, M. (2011) Equality and Human Rights Legislation in Northern Ireland: A Review. NIAR 313–11. Research and Information Service Research Paper. Belfast: Northern Ireland Assembly. SACHR (1987) Religious and Political Discrimination and Equality of Opportunity in Northern Ireland

in Tolerance and diversity in Ireland, North and South
Manchester Quakers and refugees, 1933–1937
Bill Williams

partially explain both the reluctance of Quaker Manchester in these early years to take up a specifically Jewish cause and the priority later accorded by Mount Street to the victims of political discrimination. At all events, the responses of the Manchester Friends to the needs of German refugees in general were piecemeal. Tom Ellis dealt with several cases in person, usually without reference to the ISC, but occasionally liasing with London.48 Most were not so much victims of Nazism seeking help with their entry to Britain as those who had already made their escape and

in ‘Jews and other foreigners’
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Networks, methods and strategies
Janet Clark

hoc organisation to stem a sudden or new evil – is permanently to provide a watchdog of civil liberty against any and every abuse of any and every government.31 Franklin’s views were representative of the ‘grass roots’ members and supporters of the NCCL who thought an inquiry to be long Clark, The national council for civil liberties.indd 86 13/02/2012 11:18:53 T he NCCL in action 87 overdue and wanted a broader remit than ‘merely the question of possible political discrimination’. The issues that were to be pursued included questionable methods used by the

in The National Council for Civil Liberties and the policing of interwar politics
Gandhi (1982), A Chorus Line (1985) and Cry Freedom (1987)
Sally Dux

in the very political discrimination he set out to destroy in early British South Africa.’70 Eventually, Attenborough decided not to attend the all-whites première; instead he said that he would only consider attending one in an Indian town- Dux_Attenborough.indd 119 15/08/2013 10:25 120  richard attenborough ship near Johannesburg which was to benefit an Indian charity. This seemed to have been induced by a change of policy from Pen Kotze, the South African Community Development Minister, who said he would ‘be prepared to grant permission for racially

in Richard Attenborough