The 1948 war that led to the creation of the State of Israel also resulted in the destruction of Palestinian society, when some 80 per cent of the Palestinians who lived in the major part of Palestine upon which Israel was established became refugees. Israelis call the 1948 war their ‘War of Independence’ and the Palestinians their ‘Nakba’, or catastrophe. After many years of Nakba denial, land appropriation, political discrimination against the Palestinians within Israel and the denial of rights to Palestinian refugees, in recent years the Nakba is beginning to penetrate Israeli public discourse. This book explores the construction of collective memory in Israeli society, where the memory of the trauma of the Holocaust and of Israel's war dead competes with the memory claims of the dispossessed Palestinians. Taking an auto-ethnographic approach, it makes a contribution to social memory studies through a critical evaluation of the co-memoration of the Palestinian Nakba by Israeli Jews. Against a background of the Israeli resistance movement, the book's central argument is that co-memorating the Nakba by Israeli Jews is motivated by an unresolved melancholia about the disappearance of Palestine and the dispossession of the Palestinians, a melancholia which shifts mourning from the lost object to the grieving subject. The book theorises Nakba co-memory as a politics of resistance, counterpoising co-memorative practices by internally displaced Israeli Palestinians with Israeli Jewish discourses of the Palestinian right of return, and questions whether return narratives by Israeli Jews are ultimately about Israeli Jewish self-healing.
were designated a separate
‘nation’ within their various host societies, permitted to have their
own religious and legal institutions, and yet subjected to all manner of
occupational, fiscal, residential and politicaldiscriminations. The subordinate
status of Jews had left most Jews in poverty, vulnerable to external persecution
from the Church, state and people, and dependent internally on their own
rabbinical and financial elites. The Enlightenment project
initial intervention was a second Ombudsman office, which was unique
to Northern Ireland. A Commissioner for Complaints was established
in 1969 to investigate any written complaint made by an individual who
claimed to have suffered injustice in consequence of maladministration
in connection with administrative actions of any local government or
other public body, including originally, complaints of religious and
politicaldiscrimination. The two Ombudsmen therefore presented
almost total coverage of public services. Shortly after the introduction
of direct rule the two
in its capacities for politicaldiscrimination:
The force of the term ideology lies in its capacity to discriminate
between those power struggles which are somehow central to
A NOTE ON CONCEPTUAL SALVAGE
a whole form of social life and those which are not. (Eagleton,
The phrasing ‘somehow central’ strikes a note frequently heard throughout the book – a crucial vagueness compromises the propositional force
of what appears to be a tough argument.
Of the many discussions of Eagleton’s account, one of the most illuminating (and funny) is
specified that both the Parliament of Northern Ireland
and the office of Governor of Northern Ireland should cease to exist.
Part III of the Act contained provisions on human rights which outlawed religious and politicaldiscrimination in the public sector and set
up a Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights. In the light of
the Government’s commitment to an Irish dimension section 12 gave
a Northern Ireland executive authority to enter into agreement with the
Republic of Ireland in respect of any transferred matter.
Following agreement on the basis for setting up a
The Belfast Agreement, ‘equivalence of rights’ and the North–South dimension
identified at an early stage
as constituting one of the causal factors underlying the violence of
the ‘Troubles’. As a result, the UK government
eventually decided to supplement negative prohibitions on religious
and politicaldiscrimination with the introduction of positive
measures designed to ensure that employers took active steps to
promote equal opportunities for both major
) Programme for Cohesion, Sharing and Integration:
Consultation Document. Belfast: OFMDFM.
OFMDFM (2013) Together: Building a United Community. Belfast: OFMDFM.
Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) (2004) Statistics Relating to the
Security Situation in Northern Ireland. Belfast: PSNI.
Potter, M. (2011) Equality and Human Rights Legislation in Northern Ireland:
A Review. NIAR 313–11. Research and Information Service Research Paper.
Belfast: Northern Ireland Assembly.
SACHR (1987) Religious and PoliticalDiscrimination and Equality of
Opportunity in Northern Ireland
partially explain both the reluctance of
Quaker Manchester in these early years to take up a specifically Jewish cause
and the priority later accorded by Mount Street to the victims of politicaldiscrimination.
At all events, the responses of the Manchester Friends to the needs of
German refugees in general were piecemeal. Tom Ellis dealt with several
cases in person, usually without reference to the ISC, but occasionally liasing with London.48 Most were not so much victims of Nazism seeking help
with their entry to Britain as those who had already made their escape and
hoc organisation to stem
a sudden or new evil – is permanently to provide a watchdog of civil
liberty against any and every abuse of any and every government.31
Franklin’s views were representative of the ‘grass roots’ members
and supporters of the NCCL who thought an inquiry to be long
Clark, The national council for civil liberties.indd 86
T he NCCL in action
overdue and wanted a broader remit than ‘merely the question
of possible politicaldiscrimination’. The issues that were to be
pursued included questionable methods used by the
Gandhi (1982), A Chorus Line (1985) and Cry Freedom (1987)
in the very politicaldiscrimination he set out to destroy in early British South Africa.’70 Eventually,
Attenborough decided not to attend the all-whites première; instead
he said that he would only consider attending one in an Indian town-
120 richard attenborough
ship near Johannesburg which was to benefit an Indian charity. This
seemed to have been induced by a change of policy from Pen Kotze, the
South African Community Development Minister, who said he would
‘be prepared to grant permission for racially