people, parties and pressure groups
The people who gave their backing to the formation of the National
Council for Civil Liberties came together in a shared distaste for
government policies and police actions that whipped up public
opinion to fear hunger marchers as the perpetrators of loot and
pillage. While public concern over police powers had, as noted,
been around since the early nineteenth century, this marked the
beginning of an organised civil rights movement. Yet the organisation, the conditions that inspired it and the personal
Issues around the policing of public order and political expression are as topical today as in the past. This book explores the origins of the National Council for Civil Liberties (NCCL) that emerged in 1934 in protest at the policing of political extremes. It discusses the police attempts to discredit the NCCL and the use of Special Branch intelligence to perpetuate a view of the organisation as a front for the Communist Party. The book analyses the vital role played by the press and the prominent, well-connected backing for the organisation and provides a detailed discussion on the formation of the NCCL. The use of plain clothes police officers was a particularly sensitive matter and the introduction of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and subsequently Special Branch was controversial. The book examines the nature of the support for a civil liberties pressure group, the political orientation of the organisation, its place in non-party ideology and its role in a political culture. Liberal Internationalism, pacifist groups and women's organisations are also considered. The book then discusses the NCCL's networks, methods and associations through which it was able to bring complaints about legislation and police behaviour to public attention and into the parliamentary arena. Public, press, police and ministerial responses to the NCCL's activities form a focal point. Finally, it reviews the ongoing role and changing political relationships of the NCCL following Ronald Kidd's death in 1942, alongside the response of the police and Home Office to the emerging new regime.
The politics of cyberspace is of importance both for the future use of computer-mediated communication (CMC) and within traditional political arenas, commerce and society itself. Within Britain there are many different political groups that have a presence online and utilise CMC, including for example members of the far right, human rights advocates, religious groups and environmental activists. This book examines the relationship between the strategies of environmental activist movements in Britain and their use of CMC. It explores how environmental activists negotiate the tensions and embrace the opportunities of CMC, and analyses the consequences of their actions for the forms and processes of environmental politics. It serves as a disjuncture from some broader critiques of the implications of CMC for society as a whole, concentrating on unpacking what CMC means for activists engaged in social change. Within this broad aim there are three specific objectives. It first evaluates how CMC provides opportunities for political expression and mobilization. Second, the book examines whether CMC use has different implications for established environmental lobbying organisations than it does for the non-hierarchical fluid networks of direct action groups. Third, it elucidates the influence of CMC on campaign strategies and consequently on business, government and regulatory responses to environmental activism.
contrast to the
institutional youth sphere in many other European socialist countries, where
these organisations no longer generated new forms of politicalexpression and
where environmentalist or peace groups emerged outside of the formal youth
structures.2 In Yugoslavia, many youth actors still believed in the capacity of
the institutional youth sphere to be an incubator for new types of politics, and
sought to shape a specifically Yugoslav youth political realm where new ‘social
movements’ emerging from the bottom up could be integrated into the SSOJ.
This echoed the
a collective voice in Latin America, even though liberation theologians were never more than a minority at the episcopal level (Lowy, 1996;
Segundo, 1976). Numerical weight may have been unattainable, but the moral
authority garnered from the popular base communities was enough to give liberationism international influence beyond sheer numbers in the Church.
In Latin America, liberation theology performed a vital task of memory-
making through conscientisation. Apart from providing cultural and politicalexpression of the suffering of the lived present
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the far right in the balkans
creation of a new state, perceived internal/external threats, the politicalexpression of nationalism, regime change, political culture, elite behaviour)
Social (dissolution of established identities, middle-class discontent,
existence of social tension or conflict)
Economic (post-industrial economy, rising unemployment, welfare
payment cuts, economic crisis, war, foreign domination, economic
Ethno-cultural (cultural fragmentation
The book examines the role of the elite representatives of ‘the last Yugoslav generation’ from the spheres of media, art, culture and politics in rearticulating and redefining Yugoslav socialism and the youth’s link to the state. It argues that the Yugoslav youth elite of the 1980s essentially strove to decouple Yugoslavism and dogmatic socialism as the country faced a multi-level crisis where old and established practices and doctrines began to lose credibility. Hailed as ‘a new political generation’, they sought to reinvent institutional youth activism, to reform and democratise the youth organisation and hence open up new spaces for cultural and political expression. One line of argumentation targeted the ruling elite, exposed its responsibility for the poor implementation of socialist self-management and the necessity to thoroughly revise the socialist model without abandoning its basic principles; and a later trend in which experimentation with liberal concepts and values became dominant. The first type of critique - reform socialism - was almost completely abandoned during the very last years of the decade, as more and more dominant players in the youth sphere started to turn away from socialism and came to appropriate the discourse of human rights, pluralism, free market and European integration. The book maintains that this generation embodied a particular sense of citizenship and framed its generational identity and activism within the confines of what the author refers to as ‘layered Yugoslavism’, where one’s ethno-national and Yugoslav sense of belonging were perceived as complementary, rather than mutually exclusive.
The author examines variables which might potentially influence the success of far right political parties: 1) Political (political discontent, convergence/polarization/fragmentation of the party system, PR electoral system, the emergence of Green parties and New Left movements, referendums which cut across old party dividing lines, the creation of a new state, perceived inernal/external threats, the political expression of nationalism, regime change, political culture, elite behavior); 2) Social (dissolution of established identities, middle class discontent, existence of social tension or conflict); 3) Economic (post-industrial economy, rising unemployment, welfare cuts, economic crisis, war, foreign domination, economic transition); 4) Ethno-cultural (fragmentation of the culture, demography and multiculturalization, the impact of globalization, reaction to an influx of racially and culturally distinct populations, popular xenophobia and racism, religion vs. secularisation, one's own ethnicity living outside the borders of the mother state); 5) The international context (state humiliation, desire for higher status).
Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism. Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence. Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles. This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.
This chapter begins by asking how sociology can respond to the abnormal and tragic transnational politics of Palestine-Israel. I discuss how my ethnographic approach challenges the violent abstractions of dominant political theories and offers a distinctive contribution to the field of the ‘anthropology of ethics’. I then address a series of questions arising from my research into campus struggles around Palestine-Israel. First, what social conditions enable ethical modes of relationality to develop between student activists? Second, how can a sense of ethical relations as responsive to the singularity and uncertainty of ‘the other’ come into tension with the political expression of moral commitment and coherent action? And how can more complex, localised ethico-political responses be scaled up to the level of more broadly mediated communications, in which reductionist, symbolic representations flourish? Grounding my responses to these questions in an ethnographic vignette, I show how an easily overlooked interpersonal encounter carries the potential to transfigure the seemingly intractable tensions between ‘free speech’, ‘good relations’ and ‘political activism’ within universities. In this way, this book concludes with an - at once - philosophical and ethnographic response to the continued presence of the Palestine-Israel conflict within British campuses.