This book, which is about what ‘popular culture’ means in France, and how the term's shifting meanings have been negotiated and contested, represents a theoretically informed study of the way that popular culture is lived, imagined, fought over and negotiated in modern and contemporary France. It covers a wide range of overarching concerns: the roles of state policy, the market, political ideologies, changing social contexts and new technologies in the construction of the popular. But the book also provides a set of specific case studies showing how popular songs, stories, films, TV programmes and language styles have become indispensable elements of ‘culture’ in France. Deploying yet also rethinking a ‘Cultural Studies’ approach to the popular, it therefore challenges dominant views of what French culture really means today.
This book regards Arab Islamism and liberalism as distinct political ideologies with all-encompassing views on the structure and appropriate roles of society and the state. The thesis presented here on the different functions of Israel and Zionism within these two ideologies refers to a protracted period of time. It also establishes several generalizations about the actions of individuals and groups in a vast geographic and linguistic space. The book first offers a chronological overview of the Islamist ideological opposition to Zionism. It portrays the main characteristics of and driving forces behind this resistance and explores the different pragmatic approaches toward Israel that have developed in the various epochs of Islamist thought. The book then discusses Islamist depictions of Zionism and Israel as role models and analyses the reasons for the formation and acceptance of such interpretations. It also offers a chronological overview of the evolution of liberal thought with regard to the Zionist enterprise. It depicts the various perceptions of peace and normalization created within this thought and demonstrates the contradictory ways in which the Arab liberal struggle for freedom and democracy has been intertwined with the Israeli-Arab conflict. Finally, the book discusses liberal interpretations that represent Zionism and Israel as role models, and analyses the reasons for the formation and acceptance of such interpretations.
Servant Negotiations of Gender and Class in Ann
Radcliffe‘s The Romance of the Forest
Male servants in Ann Radcliffe‘s early Gothic novels are frequently underexplored in
critical examinations of gender identity in Radcliffe‘s literary politics due to a long
tradition of social and literary marginalisation. However, class-specific masculine
identities built on a socio-moral and political ideologies and domestic anxieties are not
only particularly evident in Radcliffe‘s The Romance of the Forest (1791), but also
effectively problematise an already unstable masculine ideal therein. Servant masculine
identity in Radcliffe‘s work is developed through the contrast between servant characters
and their employers, through examples of potentially revolutionary active and narrative
agency by male servants, and through the instance of the heroine and male servants joint
flight from the Gothic space. This article will establish that the male servant character
in the early Gothic novel is essential to understanding socio-gendered identity in
Radcliffe‘s work, and that thisfi gure s incorporation in Gothic class and gender politics
merits further examination.
in the structures of the global system. But in making this claim, all they have really
said is that their politics are those of liberal internationalism, whether in its American
imperial form or its somewhat more egalitarian European iteration. And the great genius of
liberalism is that it is the only politicalideology in the history of the world that insists
that it is not an ideology at all. But the politics of relief organisations has often been
exposed, as in the 1980s when many effectively supported the Afghan mujahedeen in its fight
In 1841, the Welsh sent their first missionary, Thomas Jones, to evangelise the tribal peoples of the Khasi Hills of north-east India. This book follows Jones from rural Wales to Cherrapunji, the wettest place on earth and now one of the most Christianised parts of India. It is about the piety and practices, the perceptions and prejudices of people in early nineteenth century Wales. The book is also about the ways in which the religious ambitions of those same people operated upon the lives and ideas of indigenous societies of the distant Khasi Hills of north-eastern India. It foregrounds broader political, scientific, racial and military ideologies that mobilised the Khasi Hills into an interconnected network of imperial control. Its themes are universal: crises of authority, the loneliness of geographical isolation, sexual scandal, greed and exploitation, personal and institutional dogma, individual and group morality. In analysing the individual lives that flash in and out of this history, the book is a performance within the effort to break down the many dimensions of distance that the imperial scene prescribes. It pays attention to a 'networked conception of imperial interconnection'. The book discusses Jones's evangelising among the Khasis as well as his conflicts with church and state authority. It also discusses some aspects of the micro-politics of mission and state in the two decades immediately following Thomas Jones's death. While the Welsh missionary impact was significant, its 'success' or indeed its novelty, needs to be measured against the pre-existing activities of British imperialists.
The death- knell of the imperial romance and imperial rule
Contemporary American composer John Williams has shown his ability to
whip off an imperial march fit to stand alongside the best of them, but
without serious politicalideological purpose. For grand British
patriotic occasions like the ‘Last Night of the Proms’ and
the 2012 London Olympics, present-day audiences can choose between Elgar
and, well, Elgar.
Though the work of the imperial romancers has not lost its
A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism
it. This is not to ignore the assumption
lying behind it, namely that Islam replaces communism as the
‘enemy’ of the West. But this assumption needs to be
treated with great caution.
At issue here is a fact-based distinction between the religion
of Islam and the politicalideology of Islamism ( Tibi, 1998a ). That ideology refers
selectively to the religion of Islam and then engages itself in
, usage of the term increased in the second quarter of the
nineteenth century, and ‘liberal’ began its transformation from ‘Whig
attribute’ to politicalideology. Yet the nature of Victorian liberalism has
been notoriously elusive.7 Less a party programme with specific political
The roots of liberal internationalism
prescriptions, liberalism was a temperament – consisting of ‘un- or prepolitical predispositions and allegiances which animate the otherwise
dry bones of [a] political creed’8 – and a vague politico-ethical doctrine
emphasising stability and orderly
justice. From this perspective, politics may be regarded as a branch of
ethics – the study of what is right.
Focusing on morality in politics has
been a feature of politicalideologies, government decisions and party
campaigners to the present day. Discourse on ‘ends’ or values,
and the morality (not just practicality) of ‘means’ is a
fundamental dimension of politics and is inherent in its very meaning
varied grassroots drilling which
saw the formation of the UVF in January 1913.
Chapter 2 considers the social composition and politicalideology of
the UVF. The surviving archival material for the 1913–14 period enables
some tentative comments to be made about the composition of the force
in the ‘classical’ UVF period of 1913–14, which appears to have been
subject to considerable regional variation. The membership roll of the 1st
Fermanagh Regiment seems to show this as an almost ‘feudal’ rather
than ‘democratic’ unit as it appears to have contained few skilled or