In studio publicity, trade papers, reviews, articles, and educational materials,
Joseph L. Mankiewiczs Julius Caesar (1953) was described and accepted as a faithful
and mostly pleasing adaptation of Shakespearean drama to the Hollywood screen. As
Variety accurately predicted, it achieved four Oscar nominations, one award for art
direction and set decoration, high grosses, a hit soundtrack album, and several
subsequent revivals. With the content more or less given, contemporary discussion
focussed closely on how the verbal had been visualised, on how theatre had been
turned into cinema – in short, on the film‘s style. It is with contemporary and
subsequent readings of the film‘s style that this article is concerned, where,
following David Bordwell, style is taken to mean ‘a films systematic and significant
use of techniques of the medium’. But whereas Bordwell analyses film style directly
in terms of an aesthetic history he considers to be distinct from the history of the
film industry, its technology, or a films relation to society, I explore
interpretations of one film‘s style that are heavily invested with socio-political
meaning. If, in Bordwell‘s organic metaphor, style is the flesh of film, these
readings of style explicitly dress that flesh in socio-political clothing. This
analysis of Julius Caesar, then, is not another contribution to debates about
adaptation, theatre on film, or Shakespeare on screen, but about the politics of film
Migration to and from Ireland is often the subject of definitive claims. During the 1980s, migration from Ireland was most commonly described as a brain drain. Despite the constant flows and counterflows, academic studies tend to focus on just one direction of movement, reflecting dominant concerns at particular points in time. The 1950s and the 1980s are characterized as decades of emigration, the Celtic Tiger era as a period of immigration, and the current recession is manifest as a return to mass emigration. This book addresses the three key themes from a variety of spatial, temporal and theoretical perspectives. The theme of networks is addressed. Transnational loyalist networks acted both to facilitate the speaking tours of loyalist speakers and to re-translate the political meanings and messages being communicated by the speakers. The Irish Catholic Church and specifically its re-working of its traditional pastoral, lobbying and development role within Irish emigrant communities, is discussed. By highlighting three key areas such as motives, institutions and strategies, and support infrastructures, the book suggests that the Irish experience offers a nuanced understanding of the different forms of networks that exist between a state and its diaspora, and shows the importance of working to support the self-organization of the diaspora. Perceptions of belonging both pre- and postmigration encouraged ethnographic research in six Direct Provision asylum accommodation centres across Ireland. Finally, the book provides insights into the intersections between 'migrancy' and other social categories including gender, nationality and class/position in the labour hierarchy.
‘Die Politik’, Bismarck is reputed to have said, ‘ist die Lehre von Möglichen’. Translated as ‘politics is the art of the possible’, this phrase captures neatly the pragmatism that has been at the heart of modern British approaches to the art of government. It is not as though ideology has not, occasionally, loomed large in political debate. Conviction certainly has a respectable pedigree in explaining the attachments, destinies and ultimate fate of some politicians. But success in British politics has come most readily to those who have been flexible, responsive to the shifting mood of the electorate of the day, able to anticipate how social and economic changes may reconstitute the terms of debate, and how through their own words and writings they themselves may help to constitute political meaning. This volume explores some of the major transitions, opportunities and false dawns of modern British political history. Chronologically its span runs from the first general election to be conducted under the terms of the Third Reform Act, with an extensive (if still incomplete) adult male electorate, through to the 1997 referenda in favour of devolved assemblies in Scotland and Wales. This was the period in which British politicians most obviously addressed a mass, British-wide electorate, seeking national approval for policies and programmes to be enacted on a UK-wide basis. In covering this period and this theme the volume as a whole engages with the scholarly legacy of Duncan Tanner.
A much-needed monograph of one of the most unpopular and criticised thinkers in the history of political thought, Cuttica’s study provides an illuminating and innovative picture of Sir Robert Filmer (1588-1653) and patriarchalism. Appealing to a broad audience in the humanities, this thoroughly researched work will make an essential reading for all those interested in early modern politics and ideas. This book explores Filmer’s patriarchalist theories in connection with seventeenth-century English and European political cultures. The nine chapters address a series of important questions regarding his oeuvre that have been hitherto ignored or, at best, left unanswered. Making use of unexplored primary material and adopting an innovative contextual reading of both Patriarcha’s composition (1620s-30s) and its publication (1680), this monograph has three main strengths. Firstly, it brings new light to Patriarcha’s ideas by unveiling ignored aspects of the context in which Filmer wrote; of its language, aims and targets; of its cultural and political meanings. Secondly, the book offers a novel reading of the patriarchalist discourse and its place in early modern political culture in England and Europe. In particular, Patriarcha serves as a prism through which to see the enduring importance of the languages of patriarchalism and patriotism during the Stuart era in England. Thirdly, it gives a timely and unique explanation of why Filmer’s doctrines were amply adopted as well as strongly contested in the 1680s.
From pathos to bathos in early English tragedy; or, the comedy of terrors
This chapter examines some applications of classicism in both form and content. This discussion focuses on the production of political meanings. It studies the extension of French neo-classical influence to the Elizabethan theatre in its most popular and public form, and tries to declassicise French drama itself. This chapter also studies the characters of Caesar and Brutus, the former becoming the epitome of greatness fatally tainted by ambition, and focuses on adaptations of classical machinery.
This chapter is concerned with the diction and choice of word in the poem. It focuses on questions which relate to the rhetorical character of Elizabethan thinking and the styles Spenser deploys and the choices he makes in the construction of his poem. The first half of the chapter considers questions surrounding how Spenser used language – was he diffuse or condensed; to what extent is his lexis formulaic? – through the debate around his use of archaic diction. The second half of the chapter considers the episode of Artegall’s encounter with the egalitarian Giant in V.ii in terms of the ways in which Spenser’s choices of epithet position the protagonists and the reader in relation to the episode’s complex political meanings.
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism. Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence. Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles. This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.
they are made for and shared by mass audiences, permit and
even demand consideration of their socio-politicalmeanings and effects.
The narrative form of popular film facilitates a cultural politics
framework because, as Hilary Radner says, film ‘is perhaps the most
logical arena in which to analyse dominant trends in popular thought’.
She goes on to suggest that film offers ‘a dense articulation of the
contemporaneous discursive formulations in which [it] participates’,
while also providing ‘representations of contemporary discourses in
which tensions and
and have-nots has been renamed as support for
terrorism in the mass media. At the end of 2001 following the events of
September 11 and the American bombing of Afghanistan, fashion stores
such as Next, FCUK and Adams produced clothing and advertising featuring
the American flag and its colours fostering support for the system which
nurtures and feeds them – imperialism.
The social, cultural and political