Chartism was a profoundly politicised response to recent political history, but it did not develop in an economic vacuum. Indeed, in the later nineteenth century, it became commonplace for those who had been Chartists or who sympathised with them to explain the movement and excuse its militancy exclusively as the politics of hunger. The book focuses on political activities because Chartism (for all its compelling cultural dimensions) was nothing if not a political movement. Its emphasis has therefore been upon selected 'lower tier' Chartist leaders because it was at this level that the movement's enduring legacy was so vital. The book shows that Chartism was a movement of small victories. It might also be characterised as having a multiplicity of small endings. The book emphasises the perils of the elegiac mode. Blatant careerism, political charlatanry, and vapid oratory could all be found in Chartism along with casual anti-Semitism, racism and personal dishonesty. There were serious systemic flaws too. O'Connor's alarm at the implications of the new move reflected a creditable concern that Chartism must remain united around the democratic and egalitarian vision of The People's Charter. Yet more than once in the movement's history, O'Connor and other Chartist leaders were confounded, even unnerved, when suddenly faced by truly mass political mobilisation. A gradual transition from a movement that emphatically mobilised whole communities to one which increasingly espoused the male-breadwinner ideal and the politics of respectability closed-off opportunities for women's participation.
The politics of cyberspace is of importance both for the future use of computer-mediated communication (CMC) and within traditional political arenas, commerce and society itself. Within Britain there are many different political groups that have a presence online and utilise CMC, including for example members of the far right, human rights advocates, religious groups and environmental activists. This book examines the relationship between the strategies of environmental activist movements in Britain and their use of CMC. It explores how environmental activists negotiate the tensions and embrace the opportunities of CMC, and analyses the consequences of their actions for the forms and processes of environmental politics. It serves as a disjuncture from some broader critiques of the implications of CMC for society as a whole, concentrating on unpacking what CMC means for activists engaged in social change. Within this broad aim there are three specific objectives. It first evaluates how CMC provides opportunities for political expression and mobilization. Second, the book examines whether CMC use has different implications for established environmental lobbying organisations than it does for the non-hierarchical fluid networks of direct action groups. Third, it elucidates the influence of CMC on campaign strategies and consequently on business, government and regulatory responses to environmental activism.
Taking the Irish local and European elections in 2009 as a point of entry, this chapter follows two Nigerian women as they navigate the vagaries of Irish local politics in Dundalk and Drogheda. This chapter explores political participation by ‘new immigrant candidates’ as they engaged with a public caught in the teeth of an extraordinary economic and political crisis. It is also an ethnographic examination of the sensibilities connected to forms of migrant and minority political mobilization.
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism. Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence. Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles. This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.
provide the common interests on which the Land War was based, but
they did diminish, to some degree, the interests that divided them.
Second, the social origins of the Land War lay in the greater supra-local
social integration of agrarian Ireland. By ‘social integration’, I did not mean
social harmonization or assimilation but rather greater social interaction,
communication, interdependence and social and economic exchange.
My contention was that social integration made possible the politicalmobilization of the majority of the farming population by local
themselves in that label. Indeed, it will even deepen the divide between them. This will likely be the case in Tunisia, where Ennahda is far from having a monopoly on Islamist constituencies, and where its shift towards the center is leaving increasing political space to more radical politicalmobilization.
Nonetheless, this development signals an interesting trend. A substantial part of the Islamist political spectrum is approaching a historical threshold. The initial, strictly reactive aim was to restore the social role of a religious identity
Understanding the politics of public space occupations 1988–1991
Overall, public space becomes a location for political contestation and
a site for politicalmobilization. The theorists, above all, state that the more
democratic the space, the more likely it is for marginalized bodies to resist
their exclusion and politically represent themselves. Of course, there are
those who oppose democratic space, for just this reason. Those who value
top-down order and the maintenance of the status quo view democratic
public space as a threat. This is because, as Simon Springer asserts, “public
space is understood as a battlefield on
the local levels caused by the expansion of female labour in export processing zones has led to
women’s acquiring a higher status within the family, and
the opening up of new spaces outside the home for their
politicalmobilization. Women have participated in trade
union struggles as well in the wider anti-globalization/
liberalization movements. In November 1998, for example,
‘182 women from 22 countries representing 104 organizations met in Kuala Lumpur to Resist Globalization and
Assert Our Rights’. They argued that ‘privatisation of health
care is a violation of
responsibility of Africa’s modernizing elites,
the principal instrument was the political party, whose
function was not only to ‘articulate’ and ‘aggregate’ public
opinion but to engage in the promethean task of ‘politicalmobilization’, of forging links between tribe and nation.
It was in the study of parties that the supposed ‘valuefreedom’ of Western political science most easily cohabited
with political idealism. Their formation and development
represented not only the most explicit embodiment of
political modernization but also the condensation of heroic