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David Rieff

observe that the humanitarian world has never really known how to think about its own political role. The neutrality of the International Committee of the Red Cross, though not quite as complete as the organisation claims, is real enough in practice. But as the custodian of the Geneva Conventions, the ICRC has an international legal status that no other relief organisation can claim. Yes, major private voluntary relief groups have accepted various codes of conduct, but their adherence to these codes is ultimately voluntary. It remains the case that

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

After many years at the margins of historical investigation, the late medieval English gentry are widely regarded as an important and worthy subject for academic research. This book aims to explore the culture of the wide range of people whom we might include within the late medieval gentry, taking in all of landed society below the peerage, from knights down to gentlemen, and including those aspirants to gentility who might under traditional socio-economic terms be excluded from the group. It begins by exploring the origins of, and influences on, the culture of the late medieval gentry, thus contributing to the ongoing debate on defining the membership of this group. The book considers the gentry's emergence as a group distinct from the nobility, and looks at the various available routes to gentility. Through surveys of the gentry's military background, administrative and political roles, social behaviour, and education, it seeks to provide an overview of how the group's culture evolved, and how it was disseminated. The book offers a broad view of late medieval gentry culture, which explores, reassesses and indeed sometimes even challenges the idea that members of the gentry cultivated their own distinctive cultural identity. The evolution of the gentleman as a peer-assessed phenomenon, gentlemanly behaviour within the chivalric tradition, the education received by gentle children, and the surviving gentry correspondence are also discussed. Although the Church had an ambivalent attitude toward artistic expression, much of the gentry's involvement with the visual arts was religious in focus.

Abstract only
José Álvarez-Junco

of nineteenth-century Spain: its history, literature, painting, music, archaeology, anthropology and so on. In the third part, I tackle the immense issue of the relationship between Spanish nationalism and Catholic culture and belief. In the final part, I offer an overall analysis of the political role of Spanish nationalism in the nineteenth century and even make a few suggestions in relation to its consequences for the twentieth century. Many other disclaimers could be made for this book. It should at least be pointed out that it is written to a great extent from

in Spanish identity in the age of nations
Mandakini Pant

political roles in institutions of local selfgovernance, at both urban and rural levels. It was premised on following three fundamental principles: (a)  equality between women and men; (b)  the right to full development of potentials; and (c) the right to self-representation and selfdetermination. The project assumed that women leaders are an effective interface for poor women to constructively deal with the panchayats and municipalities. They can provide a basis for collective action on gender needs in panchayats and municipalities and lobby for inclusion of women

in Knowledge, democracy and action
Raluca Radulescu and Alison Truelove

of, and influences on, the culture of the late medieval gentry, thus contributing to the ongoing debate on defining the membership of this group. It considers the gentry’s emergence as a group distinct from the nobility, and looks at the various available routes to gentility. Through surveys of the gentry’s military background, administrative and political roles, social behaviour, and education, it

in Gentry culture in late-medieval England
Open Access (free)
Shirin M. Rai

theme of the importance of the political role of women’s movements is further developed by Jurgette Honculada and Rosalinda Pineda Ofreneo within the context of the national machinery of the Philippines. Honculada and Ofreneo argue that ‘a vibrant women’s movement plays a critical role vis-à-vis a national women’s machinery — 8 INTRODUCTION lobbying for its creation, providing leadership and direction, pioneering new initiatives such as gender training . . . , and serving as gadfly when the government fails to deliver’ (p. 131). In chapter 7, Birgitta Åseskog

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Derek Birrell

Council after 1981 involved ministers in working groups on economic, cultural and educational matters. The Intergovernmental Council would meet about eight times a year and usually involved the Secretary of State as joint Chairman and the Minister of State responsible for security policy and the Under-Secretary of State responsible for political development. Other ministers also had meetings with their Dublin counterparts to discuss matters of common interest outside this structure. The political role of secretaries of state Secretaries of state have tended to be

in Direct rule and the governance of Northern Ireland
Alun Wyburn-Powell

majority of the defectors were still actively seeking a political role, aiming to apply their skills in opposition to the Liberals. Of the 116 defectors, 83 (72%) sat in the House of Commons or in the House of Lords after their defection. An additional 21 (18%) were involved in further unsuccessful parliamentary contests. Only 12 (10%) played no further role in elections or in parliament, although most of them too continued to exert some influence on others. Table 2.1 shows the parliamentary status of all the defectors. The timings of the defections reveal that most

in Defectors and the Liberal Party 1910–2010
Evgeny Roshchin

discourse is instrumental for elucidating the ways in which ancient ideas about the ethics of friendship translated into the early modern moralisation of friendship and understandings of the constraints that this entailed for political roles. The ethical concept of friendship is never strictly separated from the performance of political roles, for discussions of ethical principles and moral norms always take place within the framework of a particular political regime, societal arrangement and culture. It is therefore essential to contextualise the moralist arguments of

in Friendship among nations
The anthem of decolonization?
Azzedine Haddour

’s democratic and republican political institutions. Third, I will endeavour to read Fanon and Marx contrapuntally, engaging with Peter Stallybrass and Ranjana Khanna and with the political role they assign to the lumpenproletariat. In ‘Marx and Heterogeneity: Thinking the Lumpenproletariat’, Stallybrass takes Marx to task for his Orientalizing and homogenizing view of the lumpenproletariat and for dismissing it as a class which exists outside the play of history and politics. In ‘The Lumpenproletariat, the Subaltern, the Mental Asylum’, Khanna also levels the same criticism

in Frantz Fanon, postcolonialism and the ethics of difference