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In 2002, the French party system seems to be demonstrating a fluidity, if not outright instability, equal to any period in the Fifth Republic's history. This book explores the extent to which this represents outright change and shifts within a stable structure. Portrayals of French political culture point to incivisme, individualism and a distrust of organizations. The book focuses on three fundamental political issues such as 'politics', 'power' and 'justice', which appear in almost all political discussions and conflicts. It identifies different 'types' of state in political theory and looks at the major challenges to practical state sovereignty in the modern world. Discussing the concept of the nation in the United Kingdom, the book identifies both cultural and political aspects of nationhood. These include nation and state; race and nation; language and the nation; religion and national identity; government and nation; common historical and cultural ties; and a sense of 'nationhood'. Liberal democracy, defensive democracy and citizen democracy/republican democracy are explained. The book also analyses John Stuart Mill's and Isaiah Berlin's views on 'negative' and 'positive' freedom. Conservatism is one of the major intellectual and political strains of thought in Western culture. Liberalism has become the dominant ideology in the third millennium. Socialism sprang from the industrial revolution and the experience of the class that was its product, the working class. Events have made 'fascism' a term of political abuse rather than one of serious ideological analysis. Environmentalism and ecologism constitute one of the most recent ideological movements.

Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison
and
Tony Boyd

Events have made ‘fascism’ a term of political abuse rather than one of serious ideological analysis. Moreover, self-proclaimed fascists have claimed that fascism is beyond intellectual analysis and have despised those who favour rational examination of their beliefs. However, we take fascism seriously as an ideology by examining fascist values and the concrete actions of some

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Homer B. Pettey

We must admit, once and for all … that cinema, politically oppositional or not, is politics. Costa-Gavras 1 With Z (1969), Costa-Gavras created a nationalist response to the decade-long political abuses in Greece. Thematically, Z concerns conflicting tenets about left-wing and right-wing nationalism and their struggles for political dominance in Greece during the 1960s. The film also alludes to nationalistic upheavals and assassinations occurring in the contemporary Cold War world of the 1960s. Z , an adaptation of

in The films of Costa-Gavras
Sonja Tiernan

to dismantle the then current system of rundale. Through the old Gaelic arrangement of rundale, many people divided one plot of land. Sir Robert set about clearing land and consolidating small farms. Re-structuring, however, left many tenants destitute. In 1834, he offered his displaced tenants financial assistance to emigrate to North America. Sir Robert was accused of Introducing the Gore-Booth family 5 1 Lissadell House, County Sligo, ancestral home of the Gore-Booth family 6 Eva Gore Booth: An image of such politics abusing his power in this respect. In

in Eva Gore-Booth
Abstract only
Shalimar the Clown
Andrew Teverson

difference here is that Rushdie sees nothing that allows for hope in contemporary Kashmir. In Midnight’s Children and Shame – bitter though their subjects were – the knowledge remained that India and Pakistan would survive the political abuses that Rushdie was satirising; that there was an outside to the fictional world into which a more utopian hopefulness could be projected, even if it was never shown. In Shalimar there is no hope for the continuity of the idea of Kashmir outside the fiction. Kasmmiriness is annihilated without redemption, and the slogan ‘Kashmir

in Salman Rushdie
Andrew Teverson

, one need look no further than the mumbo-jumbo of the Star Wars schemes; cultism and Jerry Falwell are everywhere; and as for banditry, Calero and his FDN, let’s call then the ‘Contrabandits’, are more dangerous than anything in Apuleius’s book. (IHL, 365–6) The list goes on, but what is immediately apparent is the similarity between this Apuleian list of American social and political abuses and the Apuleian list of Pakistani social and political abuses offered in Shame : The business, for instance, of the illegal

in Salman Rushdie
Abstract only
Katherine Fierlbeck

‘democracy’ if in fact there is no good evidence that the regime has been chosen by a relative majority of the population, or that a certain segment of the population suffers directly and grievously from policies enacted by the state. It would be simple to make minority rights a condition of being considered a ‘democratic’ state. And, in fact, to stem the political abuse of power perpetuated by the ever

in Globalizing democracy
Abstract only
From Bell to biodiversity
Marion Andrea Schmidt

the study of intersectional identities is growing in Deaf and disability studies, these dimensions need to be incorporated more closely by medical service providers. The politics and goals of genetics remain a much-discussed topic. Non-directive genetic counselling has often been cast as neutral and apolitical, and thus as safely removed from eugenic abuses. Yet the very attempt to distance oneself from political abuse has always been deeply political, too. The eugenicists of the first part of the century legitimized their work with the goal of improving

in Eradicating deafness?
Kathleen G. Cushing

‘evil customs’. 12 Such a view is clearly false. In fact, as Nelson and others have shown, all the political abuses condemned in peace councils around the year 1000 had been denounced two centuries earlier, although not eradicated. To assume otherwise is both to overestimate the machinery of Carolingian administration and to underestimate the uneasy, but necessary interdependence that existed between the Carolingian state and seigniorial power. 13 That levels of violence increased – or at least perceptions thereof – in the wake of, and long after, the Norse, Saracen

in Reform and papacy in the eleventh century
Pascale Drouet

Tarquins might have coincided with the end of political abuses; but the patricians who are associated with the Capitol, a place symbolic of ‘ imperium sine fine ’, 12 do not seem to be concerned with starving plebeians. As one of the citizens in arms explains, ‘They [the patricians] ne’er cared for us yet: suffer us to famish, and their storehouses crammed with grain; make edicts for usury, to support usurers; repeal daily

in Shakespeare and the denial of territory