11 Polio vaccination, politicalauthority and the Nigerian
So I told him [a soldier] that even if they are going
to kill me, I will not allow the governor to enter my house … I
also said in the governor's presence that even if President Jonathan
comes here, I will not allow them to immunize my child. So the governor
The Politics of ‘Proximity’ and Performing Humanitarianism in Eastern DRC
the complexities of the brokerage work conducted by Congolese MSF staff working in a ‘field’ that is not a distant, liminal space, but their country (and region) of origin. They have complicated and heterogeneous political and social histories, networks and perceived identities in the areas where MSF works. This ‘proximity’ is a double-edged sword: local staff are essential to networking with armed actors and politicalauthorities, as well as translating the meanings of policies and principles into practice, yet they find themselves either at risk, or perceived as a
organised themselves to raise awareness and
protect ‘their communities’ violently challenged Ebola response
teams, banned foreigners, organised surveillance brigades to ensure that no one
entered the village and sought the arbitration of regional politicalauthorities
(the préfet , or governor).
To solve the problem, responders targeted traditional healers, sacred forest
leaders, Christian and Muslim religious leaders, hunters, migrant associations
-effectiveness’ analysis of the intervention – with very
positive results, fortunately. The cost-effectiveness aspect of the intervention is
important, because it suggests that the Kenyan politicalauthorities can
economically justify devoting the resources needed to use the approach on a broader
scale. The question of institutional capacity and the number of qualified people
that that would require still stands, however.
MSF’s Departure and the Project as It Now Stands
How Can Humanitarian Analysis, Early Warning and Response Be
Benjamin J. Spatz
Alex de Waal
or as an element in a crime against humanity – can be utilised by
politicalauthorities to achieve multiple objectives ( Conley and de Waal, 2019 ). These include: mass killing;
reducing the capacity of a group to mount resistance; punishment; a means of
seizing territorial control (for instance, through siege warfare as in Yemen and
Syria); flushing out a population into areas controlled by the perpetrators (in
Nigeria, making aid available only in garrison towns
As imperial political authority was increasingly challenged, sometimes with violence, locally recruited police forces became the front-line guardians of alien law and order. This book presents a study that looks at the problems facing the imperial police forces during the acute political dislocations following decolonization in the British Empire. It examines the role and functions of the colonial police forces during the process of British decolonisation and the transfer of powers in eight colonial territories. The book emphasises that the British adopted a 'colonial' solution to their problems in policing insurgency in Ireland. The book illustrates how the recruitment of Turkish Cypriot policemen to maintain public order against Greek Cypriot insurgents worsened the political situation confronting the British and ultimately compromised the constitutional settlement for the transfer powers. In Cyprus and Malaya, the origins and ethnic backgrounds of serving policemen determined the effectiveness which enabled them to carry out their duties. In 1914, the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) of Ireland was the instrument of a government committed to 'Home Rule' or national autonomy for Ireland. As an agency of state coercion and intelligence-gathering, the police were vital to Britain's attempts to hold on to power in India, especially against the Indian National Congress during the agitational movements of the 1920s and 1930s. In April 1926, the Palestine police force was formally established. The shape of a rapidly rising rate of urban crime laid the major challenge confronting the Kenya Police.
It has been accepted since antiquity that some restraint should be observed during armed conflict. This book examines the apparent dichotomy and introduces any study of the law of armed conflict by considering the nature and legality of war. The purpose of what is known as the law of armed conflict or, more commonly, the law of war is to reduce the horrors inherent therein to the greatest extent possible, bearing in mind the political purpose for which the war is fought, namely to achieve one's policies over one's enemies. The discussion on the history and sources of the law of armed conflict pays most attention to warfare on land because that is the region for which most agreements have been drawn up, although attention has been accorded to both aerial and naval warfare where it has been considered necessary. Traditionally, international law was divided into the law of war and the law of peace, with no intermediate stage between. Although diplomatic relations between belligerents are normally severed once a conflict has commenced, there remain a number of issues, not all of which are concerned with their inter-belligerent relations, which require them to remain in contact. War crimes are violations of the and customs of the law of armed conflict and are punishable whether committed by combatants or civilians, including the nationals of neutral states. The book also talks about the rights and duties of the Occupying Power, civil defence, branches of international law and prisoners of war.
Governmental power and authority in democratic ecological governance
Lennart J. Lundqvist
conflicting values and interests. The pursuit of
ecological sustainability adds new dimensions to the steering of
human behaviour, and brings to the fore crucial issues about the
ecology of governance itself. When push comes to shove, the
political legitimacy of the ‘sustainable society’ project depends on
how government can and does use its politicalauthority towards
other crucial actors in society to bring about ecologically rational
Politicalauthority involves power to make decisions that are
binding on others and to force these others to act according to
would be experienced as without
horizon or hinterland – as an eternal nightmarish present in which one lurched
from one moment of desperation and anxiety to the next. All this is to say that
without minimal levels of social and political order, the conditions for purposive
agency are not in place.
Now, acceptance of that claim justifies political order as such, but does not
establish the need for politicalauthority, much less democratic authority. To see
why order in itself cannot be a normatively adequate resting place it is only necessary to remember that Gewirth
-Bosna. Before addressing this topic, however, the political structures of Herceg-Bosna prior to the
diﬀusion of politicalauthority in this entity will be examined.
Political structures in Herceg-Bosna until the end of the war
In the period until the fall of Mate Boban, Herceg-Bosna was a normal separatist
state emerging from the chaos of the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia.
Herceg-Bosna had, it seems, a functioning party apparatus and at its head an
authoritarian leader, Boban.To demonstrate the diﬀerence between the emerging