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In the social sciences, recognition is considered a means to de-escalate conflicts and promote peaceful social interactions. This volume explores the forms that social recognition and its withholding may take in asymmetric armed conflicts. It discusses the short- and long-term risks and opportunities which arise when local, state and transnational actors recognise armed non-state actors (ANSAs), mis-recognise them or deny them recognition altogether.

The first part of the volume contextualises the politics of recognition in the case of ANSAs. It provides a historical overview of recognition regimes since the Second World War and their diverging impacts on ANSAs’ recognition claims. The second part is dedicated to original case studies, centring on specific conflict phases and covering ANSAs from all over the world. Some examine the politics of recognition during armed conflicts, others in conflict stalemates, and others still in mediation and peace processes. The third part of the volume discusses how the politics of recognition impacts practitioners’ engagement with conflict parties, gives an outlook on policies vis-à-vis ANSAs, and sketches trajectories for future research in the field.

The volume shows that, while non-recognition prevents conflict transformation, the recognition of armed non-state actors may produce counterproductive precedents and new modes of exclusion in intra-state and transnational politics.

Open Access (free)
Colonial and decolonial finance in Aotearoa New Zealand, 1860s–1890s
Catherine Comyn

their own financial institutions. Decolonial finance: the Kīngitanga and Te Peeke o Aotearoa Certain Māori in the central North Island refused to engage with the Native Land Court from 1867, when its first hearings were held in the district, through the 1870s and beyond. Chief among those who remained steadfast in their opposition to the Court was Tāwhiao, Waikato rangatira and leader of the Kīngitanga, a pan-tribal Māori movement aimed at protecting the land and recovering economic and political autonomy, or mana motuhake

in The entangled legacies of empire
Abstract only
Mary A. Procida

imperialism, they could not preserve the Raj. In 1947, the British government unilaterally terminated Anglo-Indian women’s integral involvement with British imperialism in India and acceded to the long-standing demands of Indians for political autonomy. Indian men may have derided Anglo-Indian women as ‘brainless memsahibs’, but the British government similarly scorned their

in Married to the empire
Abstract only
Conquering the maharajas
Harrison Akins

and population. By the 1940s, the combined territory of the princely states added up to approximately six hundred thousand square miles, around 40 percent of India’s total territory, and contained nearly one hundred million people. The princely states were politically and administratively distinct from the rest of the British Raj. Each sovereign prince possessed internal political autonomy within their states, with a number of them maintaining a direct treaty relationship with the British Crown that served as the basis for

in Conquering the maharajas
Harrison Akins

interests that opposed such reforms, even British-led efforts. The princes held grave concerns about the future strength of any federal government in India and the extent of its authority over the princely states that acceded to it. Thus, the federation, controlled by the political parties within British India, would become an intermediary between the princely states and the British government and would weaken and infringe upon their political autonomy and sovereignty. Finding ways to overcome such princely opposition to various

in Conquering the maharajas
Sabine Clarke

approach to development with some long-standing laissez-faire principles. Two wider political issues made Colonial Office attempts to persuade the Caribbean colonies to follow its preferred routes to industrialisation difficult, however. The increasing political autonomy of governments in the Caribbean region meant that Britain could not merely instruct its West Indian possessions to follow its edicts. In addition, it became clear that in the post-war world, the US hoped to shape development across the Caribbean along lines that it found conducive to its own interests

in Science at the end of empire
Communists, nationalists and the popular front
Allison Drew

forces on the ground, it was hoped that political autonomy would allow the movement more latitude in relating to local conditions. The matter was discussed at the Comintern’s Seventh Congress, at which Ouzegane and Mohamed Badsi were delegates. Born 1904 in Tlemcen, Mohamed Badsi completed his military service in France, remained in Paris, met Hadj Ali Abdelkader and in the mid-1920s joined the PCF. In

in We are no longer in France
Abstract only
Emily Cock

Chapter four considers the overwhelmingly dominant popular understanding of Tagliacozzi’s method. The story of the ‘sympathetic snout’ had its roots in Tagliacozzi’s own lifetime, but developed significantly over the seventeenth century in poems, plays, and pseudo-scientific texts before its inclusion in the first book of Samuel Butler’s hit poem, Hudibras, cemented its domination of Tagliacozzi’s legend. This remained the popular image of Tagliacozzi into the early twentieth century: a man who took the ‘flesh’ for his ‘supplemental noses’ from a lower-status man’s ‘bum’. When the allograft donor died, the nose would also putrefy and drop off, through the medical doctrine of sympathy. The chapter therefore positions this narrative in the history of transplantation. Sympathy had always been a controversial doctrine, but in the early eighteenth century it was increasingly relegated to quackery. The sympathetic snout proved a surprisingly persistent and flexible metaphor up to the early twentieth century, satirising notions of personal and political autonomy, and producing troubling echoes for sympathy as an important interpersonal emotion.

in Rhinoplasty and the nose in early modern British medicine and culture
Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.

Open Access (free)
Christoph Menke in dialogue
Series: Critical Powers
Editor:

This book focuses on the paradoxical character of law and specifically concerns the structural violence of law as the political imposition of normative order onto a "lawless" condition. The paradox of law which grounds and motivates Christoph Menke's intervention is that law is both the opposite of violence and, at the same time, a form of violence. The book develops its engagement with the paradox of law in two stages. The first shows why, and in what precise sense, the law is irreducibly characterized by structural violence. The second explores the possibility of law becoming self-reflectively aware of its own violence and, hence, of the form of a self-critique of law in view of its own violence. The Book's philosophical claims are developed through analyses of works of drama: two classical tragedies in the first part and two modern dramas in the second part. It attempts to illuminate the paradoxical nature of law by way of a philosophical interpretation of literature. There are at least two normative orders within the European ethical horizon that should be called "legal orders" even though they forego the use of coercion and are thus potentially nonviolent. These are international law and Jewish law. Understanding the relationship between law and violence is one of the most urgent challenges a postmodern critical legal theory faces today. Self-reflection, the philosophical concept that plays a key role in the essay, stands opposed to all forms of spontaneity.