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Democratisation with Chinese characteristics
Neil Collins and Andrew Cottey

3835 Understanding Chinese:Layout 1 12/7/12 11:05 Page 101 4 Political change and its limits: democratisation with Chinese characteristics Many countries claim to be democracies and the criteria for inclusion in the democratic category are necessarily very broad. They must accommodate a plethora of institutional and cultural circumstances. Variations include political systems centred on parliaments, presidencies and popular initiatives. The reason that democracy is invoked so often as an ideal is that it confers legitimacy on the exercise of power which, in

in Understanding Chinese politics
Katy Hayward

M1634 - HAYWARD TEXT.qxp:ANDY Q7 27/1/09 13:23 Page 42 3 Official discourse and political change in Ireland The purpose of this chapter is to elaborate the theoretical and methodological framework for this research, both in relation to the key tenets of discourse theory and to the empirical content of the analysis. It begins by considering the meaning of ‘discourse’ as language, practice and context. Its multidimensional meaning and function means that discourse analysis has particular value in the study of nationalism and political change. The articulation

in Irish nationalism and European integration
Michael Breen, Michael Courtney, Iain Mcmenamin, Eoin O’Malley, and Kevin Rafter

3 The media and political change This chapter assesses three broad perspectives on how the Irish media has covered political change in Ireland over almost fifty years. The first, which we call ‘hypercritical infotainment’, emphasises the media as a collective agent of change. According to this approach, the media shifts from passive reporting of politics to framing it as a political competition and adopting a negative tone towards politics. This, in turn, imposes a media logic on politicians, who become more interested in spin and soundbites than policymaking

in Resilient reporting
Tradition, modernity and indirect rule
Christopher Prior

We now turn our attention to political change. The familiar tale is that officials saw in indirect rule the best chance of sustaining ‘traditional’ African social systems in perpetuity. ‘Reformed’ indigenous elites would garner the respect of Africans by governing responsibly, thereby defusing the threat of social unrest and maintaining British power. It has been customary

in Exporting empire
Cormac Behan

3 Political change, penal continuity and prisoner enfranchisement Introduction This chapter examines prisoner enfranchisement in the Republic of Ireland. As with many of the jurisdictions considered in Chapter 2, the issue was historically, socially and politically charged, with the debates and outcomes reflecting local characteristics. The chapter begins with an outline of prisoners’ involvement in politics pre-independence, and later in that part of Ireland that achieved independence. Although prisoners were not allowed to vote for much of Irish history, this

in Citizen convicts
Peter J. Verovšek

, unlike the dominant ‘negative’ reading of collective memory, Benjamin also emphasises that historical ruptures have the potential to bring about positive political change. Crisis frees individuals and communities from existing traditions and the spell of existing chains of cause and effect. In Hegel’s terms, ruptures make it impossible to simply remain ‘in a state of unthinking inertia.’ Without erasing the past, the experience of a historical caesura allows individuals to treat the past as a ‘repertoire of the imagination’ or a ‘treasury of possibilities.’ 36

in Memory and the future of Europe
Britain’s meritocratic moment, 1937–1988
Author: Dean Blackburn

This books explores the non-fiction publishing of Penguin Books to offer a new account of Britain’s post-war politics. This account decentres some of the categories that scholars have commonly employed to understand this period. The three decades after 1944, it argues, constituted a ‘meritocratic moment’ in Britain’s intellectual politics. That is not to say that political elites sought to realise a meritocratic order. But the argument that status and rewards should be determined by observable merits was accommodated by key ideological formations and provided a starting point for much political thinking. The perceived crises of the 1970s led to the eclipse of this meritocratic moment. But to understand this development as a victory for Thatcherism is problematic. Indeed this ideology was not able to accommodate or account for many of the antagonisms that followed from the collapse of the post-war political order.

1848 in Ireland

This book examines the events that led up to the 1848 rising and examines the reasons for its failure. It places the rising in the context of political changes outside Ireland, especially the links between the Irish nationalists and radicals and republicans in Britain, France, and North America. The book concludes that far from being foolish or pathetic, the men and women who led and supported the 1848 rising in Ireland were remarkable, both individually and collectively. 1848 is frequently referred to as ‘the year of revolutions’: a year when revolutionary fervour spread through most of Europe. It is generally assumed that Ireland was not involved in the political upheavals that were a hallmark of this period. Although a small uprising did take place in Ireland in July 1848, it is widely assumed to have been a ‘small and ill-conceived rising’. As soon as it was over, the British government was characterizing the rising and its leaders as foolish and pathetic. The book argues that despite the failure of the July rising in Ireland, the events that led to it and followed played a crucial part in the development of modern Irish nationalism. Moreover, far from being a feeble challenge to the authority of the British government, for months the authorities were introducing measures to deal with what they perceived to be an enormous challenge: their tactics ranging from swearing in thousands of Special Constables, to jury-packing, to suspending Habeas Corpus.

Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design
Mark Duffield

. Important here is its privileging of the design principle over the need for, or even the possibility of, political change. Design Not Politics The computational turn and societal dependence on digital technologies has changed the way the world is understood and the status of humans within it ( Chandler, 2018 ). The privileging of the design principle is central to this change. Besides the spatial shift from circulation to connectivity, an ontological, epistemological and methodological translation has also taken place ( Duffield, 2018

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Political lives of the surplus dead
Nicole Iturriaga and Derek S. Denman

This article sets forth a theoretical framework that first argues that necropolitical power and sovereignty should be understood as existing on a spectrum that ultimately produces the phenomenon of surplus death – such as pandemic deaths or those disappeared by the state. We then expound this framework by juxtaposing the necropolitical negligence of the COVID-19 pandemic with the violence of forced disappearances to argue that the surplus dead have the unique capacity to create political change and reckonings, due to their embodied power and agency. Victims of political killings and disappearance may not seem to have much in common with victims of disease, yet focusing on the mistreatment of the dead in both instances reveals uncanny patterns and similarities. We demonstrate that this overlap, which aligns in key ways that are particularly open to use by social actors, provides an entry to comprehend the agency of the dead to incite political reckonings with the violence of state action and inaction.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal