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Magdalena Figueredo
Fabiana Larrobla

Between 1975 and 1979, thirty-one unidentified bodies bearing marks of torture appeared at various locations along Uruguays coastline. These bodies were material proof of the death flights implemented in neighbouring Argentina after the military coup. In Uruguay, in a general context of political crisis, the appearance of these anonymous cadavers first generated local terror and was then rapidly transformed into a traumatic event at the national level. This article focuses on the various reports established by Uruguayan police and mortuary services. It aims to show how,the administrative and funeral treatments given at that time to the dead bodies, buried anonymously (under the NN label) in local cemeteries, make visible some of the multiple complicities between the Uruguayan and Argentinean dictatorships in the broader framework of the Condor Plan. The repressive strategy implemented in Argentina through torture and forced disappearance was indeed echoed by the bureaucratic repressive strategy implemented in Uruguay through incomplete and false reports, aiming to make the NN disappear once again.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal

This book explores the place of memory in post-apartheid South Africa by analysing state sanctioned-performances of the nation. It first explores how the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) archive was created, and what it means to contemporary South Africa. The book then explores creative responses to the TRC. It examines individual narratives that have become iconic; asking why these have been chosen to represent the experiences of the broader majority. It analyses how contemporary cultural practitioners are particularly exploring various non-realistic, highly performative forms in conjunction with verbatim narratives to reflect on diverse lived realities in South Africa. The inherited apartheid archives embody particular narratives of South Africa, especially those that defined separate cultural identities, with their relative worth and histories. The way these archives of memory were constructed and controlled is important, especially insofar as they affected the social structure of the nation, beyond apartheid legislation. The book looks at how at moments of political crisis or transition, specific narratives of history, from particular cultural perspectives, have been performed in public spaces to define national identities. It also explores how Mbeki used the South Africa-Mali project, within the context of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) to extend the imagined boundaries of the nation. Finally, the book explores contemporary popular performance and theatrical engagements with history and memory.

Open Access (free)
The management of migration between care and control
Pierluigi Musarò

strategies and discursive practices enacted by a wide range of state and non-state actors present the Mediterranean Sea as the setting of a perpetual emergency. European and national political agencies, military authorities, humanitarian organisations, and activists, have been representing migrants crossing borders as a significant problem to be managed in terms of a wider social, cultural and political

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Michael Mulqueen

and/or provides a context for this study’s main arguments. Political pressure on the Garda Síochána The most influential literature on the Garda finds that government ministers can, and do, interfere with the operational duties of the force, especially at moments of perceived political crisis. This provides a supportive context to investigate the re

in Re-evaluating Irish national security policy
Michael G. Cronin

studies invariably meant considering the past of Irish studies, and Laird was just one of several contributors at that symposium to note that this intellectual project had its beginnings in an earlier period of economic and political crisis. The emergence of Irish studies in the 1980s took place in the context of economic recession and bitterly contested social change in the South and a worsening, bloody war in the North. And these economic and political crises were, of course, also a crisis of narrative; or as Seamus Deane put it at the time, ‘in a basic sense, the

in Are the Irish different?
Chris A. Williams

durability was, and was not, a prime requirement.Telegraphs facilitated vertical communication up and down hierarchies: telephones seem to have been better suited to horizontal communication within institutions, and between police and other institutions. Their introduction was also distinctive in two ways. The first was the start of a crucial relationship between police institutions and private sector bodies which had technological expertise. The second, linked, relationship was that between political crisis and innovations in police technology: crises of state power often

in Police control systems in Britain, 1775–1975
Charles Townshend

attempted in the following pages, needs to keep these explanatory elements in broad political focus. The Ulster crisis The Liberal government’s attempt to legislate Irish devolution between 1911 and 1914 triggered a severe political crisis. The threat of armed resistance by Ulster Unionists, as it developed in 1912–13, never looked like being contained by the police. The abject

in Policing and decolonisation
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison
Tony Boyd

contemporary Britain as a nation. Perhaps more accurately the United Kingdom should be considered as a ‘state’ made up of several ‘nations’, each of which is discussed in turn. This problem of nation and national identity can be investigated through a study of Northern Ireland, where issues of national and state identity have contributed to the political crisis. POINTS TO CONSIDER

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Philip Ollerenshaw

Parliamentary Secretary.159 According to Midgley, the affair ‘had made the name of Belfast stink in the nostrils of every decent Local Government centre in Great Britain’.160 Towards political crisis Criticisms of the Andrews government continued throughout 1942, and amongst the most constructive and comprehensive were jointly signed letters to Andrews himself from three parliamentary secretaries: Maynard Sinclair, Brian Maginess and Wilson Hungerford in May. Although quick to emphasise that they were writing in their private capacities, the charges levelled against the

in Northern Ireland in the Second World War
The conversion of Irish Catholics, c.1721–34
Andrew Sneddon

religious worship were by now enforced only at 1 Connolly, Religion, law, and power: the making of Protestant Ireland, 1660–1760 (Oxford, 1992), pp. 294–5; Michael Brown, Charles Ivar McGrath and Thomas P. Power, ‘Introduction: converts and conversion in Ireland, 1650–1850’ in idem (eds), Converts and conversion in Ireland, 1650–1850 (Dublin, 2005), p. 17. 2 Connolly, Religion, law, and power, pp. 295–9. The conversion of Irish Catholics 149 times of acute political crisis, in particular during Jacobite invasion or rebellion scares. It was at these times that Irish

in Witchcraft and Whigs