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02c Globalisation 040-068 2/2/11 15:09 Page 40 2 Political economy and ideology This chapter moves the book’s focus to theoretical approaches specifically oriented around the analysis of ideational phenomena. It argues, however, that none is fully able to consider the meaning and implications of the emergence of new ideas such as globalisation. The analytical concept of ideology, especially as understood by political theorists such as Michael Freeden, may be able to help political economy in this regard. Simply, most forms of ideational analysis influential
84 DISCIPLINES 6 International Political Economy philip cerny International Political Economy, domestic politics and democracy International Political Economy (IPE) had already achieved prominence as a field of study by the start of the 21st century, but its role has changed dramatically, with issues of democratic governance and policy-making moving to the forefront. Originally, however, the roots of IPE lay in economic aspects of relations among nation-states in the international system – foreign economic policy, trade, the spread of production systems and
understanding of the political economy of security is important, especially in East Asia. Consequently, I detail the geopolitical conditions that have made politics and economics such inextricably intertwined, mutually constitutive forces across the region. 3 Following this, I briefly introduce some of the more important theoretical innovations that have made the political economy perspective such an
14 Patrick Le Galès Urban political economy beyond convergence: robust but differentiated unequal European cities This chapter discusses the transformations of contemporary European cities and is intellectually influenced by the Italian political economy tradition (Andreotti and Benassi 2014; Tosi and Vitale 2016), which is particularly attentive to territories and cities. This tradition paved the way for sophisticated intellectual arguments about informality, social networks, labour markets, firms tradition, religion, locality, family, state failure, poverty
This book contains the first comprehensive analysis of the Middle Eastern political economy in response to the oil price decline in 2014. The introductory and concluding chapters also touch upon the oil price crash in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and discuss some of the relevant responses by Middle Eastern actors. Its findings connect oil market dynamics with an understanding of sociopolitical changes. Inspired by rentierism, the volume presents original studies on Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. Results show a large diversity of country-specific policy adjustments. Among the most pertinent findings are that migrant workers in the Arab Gulf are the main social losers in the post-2014 period, while citizens were capable of repelling burdensome adjustment policies. For Egypt, Jordan, and Lebanon, the expectation that they could benefit from the oil price decline in 2014 has not been fulfilled. Three conceptual dimensions for the theoretical advancement of rentierism are highlighted: first, in the light of increasing exploitation and coercion, by bringing state–class relations back into the discussion; second, by paying closer attention to the role of institutions during periods of policy adjustment; third, by exploring the issue of rentier-state autonomy vis-à-vis society in a more nuanced way. Overall, this collection signifies that rentierism still prevails with regard to both empirical dynamics in the Middle East and academic discussions on its political economy.
3 Political economy of conflict and peace: governmentality of participation and strategic veto in Bihar and Jharkhand, India Amit Prakash Mainstream governance literature is rooted in a technocratic approach to ‘resolving’ policy conundrums and has an uneasy approach to conflict. Conflict is seen as an aberration, which can and must be ‘resolved’ by construction of adequate policy responses to conflict. Embedded within this approach is a presumption that it is possible to create a system of governance in which the policy choices are limited to merely finding
Scale of warfare in early colonial South Asia 4 Towards a political economy of conquest: the changing scale of warfare and the making of early colonial South Asia Manu Sehgal Continuity and change in colonial war- and state-making War-making and state-making have been understood to be closely interrelated and have been studied as such for the early modern period. The ‘bellicist’ origins of the modern nation state have continued to attract cross-disciplinary attention following Charles Tilly’s influential formulation ‘war made the state and the state made war’.1
7 The political economy of twenty-first-century conservatism Introduction This chapter argues that the political economy of twenty-first-century conservatism has remained firmly within neo-liberal parameters. The endurance of neo-liberalism in the Conservative Party was illustrated by the response offered to the financial crisis of 2007–8 and the subsequent recession, which was characterised by an overriding concern about the size of the fiscal deficit. However, the ideological hold of Thatcherism on Conservative economic thinking can be traced throughout the
Introduction The final chapter of this volume focuses on the changing political economy in the Middle East. It initially examines what we believe are the most evident consequences of the post-2014 oil price decline. Although by no means in a comprehensive way, we also touch upon some of the most pertinent effects of the shock induced by the economic slowdown as triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. First, migrant workers in the Arab Gulf are the main social losers of policy adjustments post-2014. They are the majority
1 The political economy of European integration and the challenge of the 2004 and 2007 EU enlargements In the fields of political economy and EU politics the process of European integration is widely acknowledged to be a predominantly market-making process. According to Scharpf (2002: 645) the EU suffers from a ‘constitutional asymmetry between policies promoting market efficiencies [which dominate] and policies promoting social protection and equality’. The EU has often been criticised for developing a relatively weak competence in social policy that is an ‘add