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The Tories after 1997
Editors: and

The Conservative Party's survival as a significant political force was now open to serious question for the first time since the crisis over the Corn Laws. The Labour Party has commanded a fairly consistent level of attention, whether in office or in opposition. But it seems that the Conservatives are fated to be regarded either as unavoidable or irrelevant. This book presents an analysis that suggests that the party leader plays a less important role in Conservative recoveries than a distinctive policy programme and an effective party organization. It examines the Conservative position on a series of key issues, highlighting the difficult dilemmas which confronted the party after 1997, notably on economic policy. New Labour's acceptance of much of the main thrust of Thatcherite economic policy threw the Conservatives off balance. The pragmatism of this new position and the 'In Europe, not run by Europe' platform masked a significant move towards Euro-skepticism. The book also traces how the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Parties adapted to the creation of the Scottish Parliament, exploring the re-organisation of the Scottish party, its electoral fortunes and political prospects in the new Scottish politics. It examines issues of identity and nationhood in Conservative politics in the 1997-2001 period, focusing on the 'English Question' and the politics of 'race'. The predictable results of the Conservatives' failure to develop an attractive, consistent narrative are then analysed. Right-wing populist parties with charismatic leaders enjoyed some electoral success under the proportional representation systems in 2002.

Lindy Brady

AngloSaxon period, depicts the Welsh borderlands acting as an independent political force throughout the eleventh century. Moreover, a pattern of sustained political alliance between Mercia and northern Wales is evident in the tenth century within a corpus of mostly Welsh historical sources. This pattern of alliance continues in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle throughout the eleventh century, across the Norman Conquest. At the moment of the Norman arrival in England, the Welsh borderlands were a significant political force in Anglo-Saxon England. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is

in Writing the Welsh borderlands in Anglo-Saxon England
Elliot Vernon

that erupted in the Churches of England and Scotland under the Laudian administration of the 1630s. The discussion will then turn to the godly ministers’ mobilisation of opposition to Convocations’ new canons of 1640. It will be argued that the opposition to the canons revitalised the godly clergy as a political force and ushered in a somewhat cautious movement seeking further reformation of the polity of the Church of England. The London godly scene in the 1630s The origins of the London presbyterian movement that

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Jens Eder

film moved its audience to donate about $20 million, led to political resolutions, contributed to US support of the Ugandan army and caused a critical debate (Engelhardt and Jansz 2014). Countless other images also aim at being effective by being affective. This chapter explores how they do that and offers some conceptual tools for analysing the affective and political force of still and moving images. To begin with, we can distinguish between cold and hot image operations. ‘Cold’ images function independently of affective responses. They are processed by machines in

in Image operations
Abstract only
Traditional political alignments
Brian Heffernan

establishment. If they were no longer a political force to be reckoned with, at least their presence acted as a counterweight to the republican sympathies of many of their colleagues. It is testimony to this that some bishops and priests began to argue towards the end of the conflict for ‘dominion home rule’. Certainly the conservatives stiffened their moderate republican colleagues’ opposition to violence. For the conservatives, the foundation of the Irish Free State in 1922 was equivalent to the reaching of dry ground again, and they were quick to join moderate republicans

in Freedom and the Fifth Commandment
Active internationalism and ‘credible neutrality’
Christine Agius

the party as a hegemonic political force in Sweden. Thus, ‘Hegemony need not consist of unanimous or even majority support: it consists of the fact that almost everyone, knowingly or unknowingly, dances to the tune of the leading party.’ (Heclo and Madsen, 1987: 23) In the case of Swedish Social Democracy, incremental gains would be achieved through the established order, and by including

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality
Race and nation in twenty-first-century Britain

Nationalism has reasserted itself today as the political force of our times, remaking European politics wherever one looks. Britain is no exception, and in the midst of Brexit, it has even become a vanguard of nationalism's confident return to the mainstream. Brexit, in the course of generating a historically unique standard of sociopolitical uncertainty and constitutional intrigue, tore apart the two-party compact that had defined the parameters of political contestation for much of twentieth-century Britain. This book offers a wide-ranging picture of the different theoretical accounts relevant to addressing nationalism. It briefly repudiates the increasingly common attempts to read contemporary politics through the lens of populism. The book explores the assertion of 'muscular liberalism' and civic nationalism. It examines more traditional, conservative appeals to racialised notions of blood, territory, purity and tradition as a means of reclaiming the nation. The book also examines how neoliberalism, through its recourse to discourses of meritocracy, entrepreneurial self and individual will, alongside its exaltation of a 'points-system' approach to the ills of immigration, engineers its own unique rendition of the nationalist crisis. There are a number of important themes through which the process of liberal nationalism can be documented - what Arun Kundnani captured, simply and concisely, as the entrenchment of 'values racism'. These include the 'faux-feminist' demonisation of Muslims.

continuity, innovation and renewal
Paul Kennedy

5 The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party: continuity, innovation and renewal Paul Kennedy The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español – PSOE) was founded in Madrid in 1879. It was the largest party on the left during the Second Republic (1931–36), and provided the Republic with two prime ministers during the Spanish Civil War, Francisco Largo Caballero (1936–37) and Juan Negrín (1937–39). Brutally repressed by the Franco regime (1939–75), the PSOE almost disappeared as a significant political force within Spain. Nevertheless, under the

in In search of social democracy
Ben Cohen
Eve Garrard

once and for all from the grip of anti-democratic and illiberal themes and concepts – unless such a Marxism can come to animate the Marxist political left, Marxism as a political force might just as well be dead and buried. A movement so slow to learn would have earned this fate.

in The Norman Geras Reader
Jarosław Kuisz

under communism. What was more, the communists were nowhere to be seen as a political force; not a single communist politician was active in the public sphere. Still, this statement from Szarek, who was chosen under Law and Justice, should be treated with due care. In this chapter, I will analyse why the de-communisation agenda mattered after the Law and Justice takeover, in

in The new politics of Poland