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This collection and the romances it investigates are crucial to our understanding of the aesthetics of medieval narrative and to the ideologies of gender and sexuality, race, religion, political formations, social class, ethics, morality and national identity with which those narratives emerge.
her peerage not some Fifeshire spot but the couple’s Buckinghamshire home of Asheridge), Malcolm MacPherson (who sat for Stirling) and John Rankin (both born in and representing Glasgow). 21 Clearly the two most important political formations in Scotland outside and to the left of the Labour Party, across much of the late-imperial era, were the Communist Party and (during its era
the National Salvation Front the first political formation in post-communist Romania? While the post-communist political horizon was dominated by the emergence of the National Salvation Front (NSF) as the transition government and then the first freely elected government of Romania, the NSF cannot claim to be the first political formation in post-communist Romania. This privilege must be reserved for the Romanian Democratic Front (RDF), a political organization formed by the leaders of the Timisoara revolution that led the first negotiations with the communist part
Northern Ireland, 1932–70 within the conservative nationalist bloc there were signs of unease as to the outcome of the new political formation and the nationalist post-election policy of parliamentary attendance. In November the Derry Journal singled out Cahir Healy for attack when it misrepresented a speech he delivered in Stormont in which he offered to back the Unionist government ‘all the way’17 if they withheld Northern Ireland’s Imperial Contribution (some £34 million) from Westminster. Healy’s comments, taken out of context by the paper, appeared to suggest that
In the 1930s, a series of crises transformed relationships between settlers and Aboriginal people in Australia’s Northern Territory. This book examines archives and texts of colonial administration to study the emergence of ideas and practices of indirect rule in this unlikely colonial situation. It demonstrates that the practice of indirect rule was everywhere an effect of Indigenous or ‘native’ people’s insistence on maintaining and reinventing their political formations, their refusal to be completely dominated, and their frustration of colonial aspirations to total control. These conditions of difference and contradiction, of the struggles of people in contact, produced a colonial state that was created both by settlers and by the ‘natives’ they sought to govern.
By the late 1930s, Australian settlers were coming to understand the Northern Territory as a colonial formation requiring a new form of government. Responding to crises of social reproduction, public power, and legitimacy, they rethought the scope of settler colonial government by drawing on both the art of indirect rule and on a representational economy of Indigenous elimination to develop a new political dispensation that sought to incorporate and consume Indigenous production and sovereignties. This book locates Aboriginal history within imperial history, situating the settler colonial politics of Indigeneity in a broader governmental context. Australian settler governmentality, in other words, was not entirely exceptional; in the Northern Territory, as elsewhere, indirect rule emerged as part of an integrated, empire-wide repertoire of the arts of governing and colonising peoples.
While the United States has long conformed to Marx’s analysis of the dynamics of capitalism and its crises, it has historically not followed the political direction of Europe, giving rise to the notion of American exceptionalism. Yet, the development of both European social democracy and global capitalism have brought about a recent convergence of political ideology and practice culminating in neoliberalism and “Third Way” politics across developed economies. Since the Great Recession of 2008–09, and in response to increasing inequality and declining living standards, a growing upsurge of rebellion by a changing and more diverse working class, along with related social movements and left political formations, has arisen across much of the world in a manner foreshadowed in much of Marx’s writings. In this, America is no exception. This illustrates that Marxism is not a system of predestination, but includes both elements of determinism and contingency, above all in matters of class organization and political outcomes.
This chapter finds support for a cultural politics of nonhierarchies, networks and flows in writings that follow from early anarchist and social ecology contributions and in more general works on green political thought. The chapter calls attention to the resurgence of nonhierarchical political formations from various perspectives and how they have shaped artistic practices and art historical methodologies. What ends up foregrounded are the transversal, interlinked and mutually influencing parts of our social body. Drawing on some of the content in Part I and the Conclusion, this chapter analyses these approaches methodologically and speculates on how the discipline of art history might productively continue to adopt scholarly rich, egalitarian political positions, and inform a fully ‘green’ political ideology.
The introduction charts the divergent aspirations of Irish nationalism and Ulster unionism from the late nineteenth to the early twentieth century and details the emergence of the partition settlement as a resolution to their differences. It discusses the broadly accommodating and moderate position on Unionism held by the dominant pro-Home Rule constitutional nationalist Irish Party, and the political repercussions of that Party’s decline following the ascendancy of Sinn Féin in 1918. The Introduction also examines the strategy of constitutional nationalists following the establishment of the Northern Ireland state in 1921. It considers the outcome of a period of electoral pacts in the North between the Irish Party and Sinn Féin in the early 1920s, a time of intense IRA activity. Developments within constitutional nationalism from the mid-1920s are also assessed. Constitutional nationalism, by this time independent of Sinn Féin, was diverse in composition and undecided in terms of strategy, but although it coalesced into a new political formation (National League of the North) by 1928, there was little agreement on whether Catholic interests were better served by their active representation within the North’s parliamentary institutions or by an abstentionist policy and an emphasis on anti-partitionism.
Precarious objects is a book about activism and design. The context is the changes in work and employment from permanent to precarious arrangements in the twenty-first century in Italy. The book presents design interventions that address precarity as a defuturing force affecting political, social and material conditions. Precarious objects shows how design objects, called here ‘orientation devices’, recode political communication and reorient how things are imagined, produced and circulated. It also shows how design as a practice can reconfigure material conditions and prefigure ways to repair some of the effects of precarity on everyday life. Three microhistories illustrate activist repertoires that bring into play design, and design practices that are grounded in activism. While the vitality, experimental nature and traffic between theory and praxis of social movements in Italy have consistently attracted the interest of activists, students and researchers in diverse fields, there exists little in the area of design research. This is a study of design activism at the intersection of design theory and cultural research for researchers and students interested in design studies, cultural studies, social movements and Italian studies.
English radicalism has been a deep-rooted but minority tradition in the political culture since at least the seventeenth century. The central aim of this book is to examine, in historical and political context, a range of key events and individuals that exemplify English radicalism in the twentieth century. This analysis is preceded by defining precisely what has constituted this tradition; and by the main outline of the development of the tradition from the Civil War to the end of the nineteenth century. Three of the main currents of English radicalism in the twentieth century have been the labour movement, the women’s movement and the peace movement. These are discussed in some detail, as a framework for the detailed consideration of ten key representative figures of the tradition in the twentieth century: Bertrand Russell, Sylvia Pankhurst, Ellen Wilkinson, George Orwell, E.P. Thompson, Michael Foot, Joan Maynard, Stuart Hall, Tony Benn and Nicolas Walter. The question of ‘agency’ – of how to bring about radical change in a predominantly conservative society and culture – has been a fundamental issue for English radicals. It is argued that, in the twentieth century, many of the important achievements in progressive politics have taken place in and through extra-parliamentary movements, as well as through formal political parties and organisations – the Labour Party and other socialist organisations – and on occasion, through libertarian and anarchist politics. The final chapter considers the continuing relevance of this political tradition in the early twenty-first century, and reviews its challenges and prospects.