This book draws on original research into women’s workplace protest to deliver a new account of working-class women’s political identity and participation in post-war England. In doing so, the book contributes a fresh understanding of the relationship between feminism, workplace activism and trade unionism during the years 1968–85. The study covers a period that has been identified with the ‘zenith’ of trade union militancy. The women’s liberation movement (WLM) also emerged in this period, which produced a shift in public debates about gender roles and relations in the home and the workplace. Industrial disputes involving working-class women have been commonly understood as evidence of women’s growing participation in the labour movement, and as evidence of the influence of second-wave feminism on working-class women’s political consciousness. However, the voices and experiences of female workers who engaged in workplace protest remain largely unexplored. The book addresses this space through detailed analysis of four industrial disputes that were instigated by working-class women. It shows that labour force participation was often experienced or viewed as a claim to political citizenship in late modern England. A combination of oral history and written sources is used to illuminate how everyday experiences of gender and class antagonism shaped working-class women’s political identity and participation.
had to resort to other kinds of arguments to substantiate their claim to recognition.
For all former combatants, the war and the experience of coming home become refracting lenses which either reinforce their politicalidentity, or transform it. The way in which they recreate a meaningful past contributes to their identity, as well as providing a path for the future. In this chapter it becomes obvious that this meaning-making applies to individuals just as much as previous research has demonstrated that it applies to states (see Friedman 1992
Mapping Dutch Identity in the First Dutch Envoy to Ceylon
This article examines the various layered concepts of foreignness constructed by ‘t Historiael Journael, a travel account of the first Dutch envoy to Ceylon from 1602 to 1604. It focuses on a map of Ceylon included in the account and positions it in relation to other cartographic projects commissioned by leaders of the early Dutch Republic. It is argued that the Dutch conceived of religious and cartographic images as opposing types of representation and used the stylistic conventions and ideological concepts underpinning these different modes of picturing to construct divergent religious and political identities. It is also suggested that Johann Theodor De Bry’s popular India Orientalis, in which an abridged version of the travel account appears, smooths out the complex layers of political, religious and geographic difference constructed in the original text.
Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez, and Sylvain Landry B. Faye
perceived chiefs and customary law as closer to communities than
central government, but they called for reform ( Fanthorpe, 2006 ). On the eve of the Ebola outbreak, therefore, chiefs
maintained their power but it was not unchallenged.
Historical divisions between Americo- and African-Liberians have marked the fight for
power and socio-politicalidentities in Liberia ( Ellis, 1999 ). During the political instability of the 1980s and the
fourteen years of civil war (1989–2003), these
This book provides a digest of the debates about England and Englishness, as well as a unique perspective on those debates. Not only does it provide readers with ready access to and interpretation of the significant literature on ‘The English Question’, but it also enables them to make sense of the political, historical and cultural factors which constitute that question, addressing the condition of England in three interrelated parts. The first part looks at traditional narratives of the English polity and reads them as legends of political Englishness, of England as the exemplary exception, exceptional in its constitutional tradition and exemplary in its political stability. The second part considers how the decay of that legend has encouraged anxieties about English political identity, of how English identity can be recognised within the new complexity of British governance. The third part revisits these legends and anxieties, examining them in terms of the actual and metaphorical ‘locations’ of Englishness: regionalism, Europeanism and Britishness.
This book retraces the human and intellectual development that has led the author
to one very firm conviction: that the tensions that afflict the Western world’s
relationship with the Muslim world are at their root political, far more than
they are ideological. It aims to limit itself to a precise scholarly arena:
recounting, as meticulously as possible, the most striking interactions between
a personal life history and professional and research trajectories. This path
has consistently centered on how the rise of political Islam has been expressed:
first in the Arab world, then in its interactions with French and Western
societies, and finally in its interactions with other European and Western
societies. It brings up-to-date theses formulated in the 2000s, in particular in
the author’s previous book Islamism in the Shadow of al-Qaeda (2005, 2nd ed.
2010, English ed. 2010), by measuring them up against the lessons of the
powerful revolutionary dynamics set off by the “Arab Spring” of 2011, followed
by the counter-revolutionary ones.
socialization that are to be found in any modern society: parents,
family, education and social networks.
This chapter examines the identities that the two
communities hold, focusing on ethnic or national identity (principally
British or Irish) and politicalidentity (principally unionist or
nationalist). These we refer to as ‘traditional’
ethnonationalist identities. The first section examines how far these
February 2005 allows entrance into the discussion of the Colombian
case from the critical security and peace studies perspective offered in
this book: politicalidentities and imaginaries being shaped by a state
security discourse that underwrites the meaning of peace. My main
concern in writing this book has been the violent spiral of war that is
created by the security programme of the Colombian state, which produces
Famine and the Western Front in Samuel Beckett’s Waiting for Godot
Spectrality, as a theoretical lens, can also heighten our awareness of reemergent cultural factors (colonial trauma, gender and
sexual discrimination, political insularity) that originally led to the
Irish artist’s dual esthetic and politicalidentity during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and give us a glimpse into
how contemporary Irish writers use fiction to respond to the longstanding identification of the Irish artist as politically vested. The
novelists discussed in Haunted historiographies all imbue their
works with layers of social, political, and
political performances in the public realm
that are constitutive of personal and politicalidentity. Indeed, both
military conscription and conscientious objection to it can be considered
Masculinities, militarisation and the End Conscription Campaign
as ‘acts of citizenship’ (Isin and Nielsen, 2008). These acts are ‘performative’
(Butler, 1999), albeit performances that are historically, institutionally and
This chapter analyses the state in terms of the individual’s relationship
to and with it