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Carina Gunnarson

6 Students’ trust in political institutions Distrust of state institutions is frequently mentioned in the literature pertaining to the Mafia, as well as in the literature on southern Italy in general. The dominant explanation for this lack of trust is historical. It is argued that countries with ­histories of foreign domination by different colonial powers may exhibit a weakness of formal government structures and a perceived lack of legitimacy among citizens. Colonisers have come and gone and different models of governance have been brought to Sicily. Instead

in Cultural warfare and trust
Bernadette Connaughton

5306ST New Patterns-C/lb.qxd 1111 21 3 4 51 6 7 8 9 10 1 1112 3 411 5 6 7 8 9 20 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 30 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 40 1 211 3/9/09 16:45 Page 53 4 Political institutions and administrative adaptation Bernadette Connaughton Introduction Ireland is regarded as one of the most centralised liberal democracies (Lijphart, 1999). Its unitary political system is characterised by a strong central executive with subordinate local authorities answerable to and financially dependent on the centre. In 1922 the new state absorbed rather than transformed the

in Europeanisation and new patterns of governance in Ireland
A regional political class for itself
Klaus Stolz

4 (Re)making political institutions: a regional political class for itself As we have seen in the last chapter, political institutions established in Catalonia and Scotland have allowed for a professionalisation of Catalan and Scottish politicians and are shaping the patterns of their careers. Thus, regionalisation has not only brought about a territorial differentiation of politics but has also come with a new functional division of labour. Regional self-government is more or less delegated to political professionals trusted with this task. These professional

in Towards a regional political class?
Alistair Cole

6 Political institutions, public and elite opinions in Wales and Brittany The choice of Wales and Brittany as objects of analysis provided two historic regions with complex but strong identities, functioning regional political institutions and past traditions of demanding more regional autonomy. These regions are exceptional within France and the UK. Chapters 2, 3, 4 and 5 introduced the reader to Wales and Brittany, their respective state contexts, party systems and experience of devolved political institutions. Thus far, a mostly inductive, qualitative

in Beyond devolution and decentralisation
Joël Glasman
Brendan Lawson

). Ramel , F. , Sangar , E. , Makki , S. et al. ( 2020 ), DATAWAR Project. ‘How Data Make Us See and Expect War: The Impact of Research Practices in Quantitative Conflict Analysis on Perceptions of Political Violence by NGOs, Political Institutions, and the Media (DATAWAR) , https

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Louise Beaumais

marking the risk of conflict itself (early warning ranking systems, risk indicators). This particular focus is explained by the fact that many institutes, think tanks and political institutions have, since the beginning of the twenty-first century, taken a greater interest in quantitative studies ( De Franco and Meyer, 2011 ; Ward et al. , 2013 ; Colonomos, 2016 ; Meyer et al. , 2019 ). 2 These ACDs are presented as a means to help

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Professional politicians and regional institutions in Catalonia and Scotland
Series: Devolution

Focusing on professional politicians, this book investigates the interrelationship between political career patterns and political institutions in two of the most widely discussed cases of regionalism: Catalonia and Scotland. It deals with two different yet closely related sets of questions. Firstly, how do professional politicians pursue their careers in the regional context? And secondly, how do they shape and reshape the political institutions in which they pursue these careers? The book is based on extensive empirical research including a comprehensive data set on the careers of Catalan and Scottish parliamentarians, systematic surveys of regional representatives as well as in-depth interviews with a wide range of politicians and experts in both regions. Exploring the effects of political professionalisation on regional democracy, it goes beyond traditional studies of regionalism and decentralization, while its focus on the regional career arena introduces a territorial dimension to the study of political careers.

Education and revolution in eighteenth-century France

This book offers a new interpretation of the debates over education and politics in the early years of the French Revolution. This period witnessed a series of amazingly ambitious efforts to reform and reinvent the nation's political institutions, cultural politics, and social order. Deputies, political commentators, and private citizens alike recognized that reinventing French politics and transforming French society would require rethinking the principles and practices of education. The book aims to recapture the dynamism of this polyvalent debate and to flesh out the ambitions and dilemmas that gave it meaning during this most turbulent of historical moments. It traces an ambivalent strain in Enlightenment thought on education, a deep tension at the point of contact between seemingly limitless philosophical possibilities and the apparent limitations imposed by political and social realities. The book analyses the debate over education amid broader concerns about the nature and efficacy of representative government and the nascent idea of "public instruction" from its emergence as a revolutionary ambition through efforts to fulfill the constitutional promise of national education. It argues for a new understanding of "public instruction" as a pedagogical and political ideal and, with that, a revised sense of education's role in regenerating France and in working towards a representative and participatory system of government. The book also focuses on letters and proposals submitted by people affiliated or associated with the schools and related institutions. Finally, it surveys the changes the "education question" took on an explicitly republican form after September 1792.

This book explores the theory and practice of authority during the later sixteenth century, in the religious culture and political institutions of the city of Nantes, where the religious wars traditionally came to an end with the great Edict of 1598. The Wars of Religion witnessed serious challenges to the authority of the last Valois kings of France. In an examination of the municipal and ecclesiastical records of Nantes, the author considers challenges to authority, and its renegotiation and reconstruction in the city, during the civil war period. After a detailed survey of the socio-economic structures of the mid-sixteenth-century city, successive chapters detail the growth of the Protestant church, assess the impact of sectarian conflict and the early counter reform movement on the Catholic Church, and evaluate the changing political relations of the city council with the urban population and with the French crown. Finally, the book focuses on the Catholic League rebellion against the king and the question of why Nantes held out against Henry IV longer than any other French city.

Abstract only
Two years that changed France
Alistair Cole

greeted with relief in European chancelleries and appeared to give a new impetus to European integration, even accomplishing the feat of making France attractive, after a long period of French-bashing and reflexive decline (Baverez, 2013 ; Smith, 2015 ). The period justifies attention, insofar as it witnessed the apparent collapse of the old partisan order, the rejuvenation of the political institutions and the rise (and possible taming) of populist and left-wing challenges to the Republic, in the context of a Europe in turmoil as a result of the UK's Brexit

in Emmanuel Macron and the two years that changed France