, however much scientific and data-based
rationales are pushed to the fore, public health approaches also reflect the domestic
priorities and biases of those who designed them. Strategies to deal with infectious
diseases are likewise susceptible to politicalinterests. Again, the varying national
health plans and related discourse around the COVID-19 pandemic are a case in point.
There are multiple examples, a few of which have been briefly mentioned, that provide
similar illustrations. And as
The Politics of Information and Analysis in Food Security
Daniel Maxwell and Peter Hailey
occurring. Indeed, in recent cases of famine or near-famine conditions, much of
the evidence has not been of sufficient rigour and reliability to make firm
statements. These safeguards against ‘false positives’ have
frequently been invoked to prevent any statement – a case of rigorous
data and analytical requirements aligning with politicalinterests which prefer
that ‘famine’ not be mentioned.
And finally, of course
This book offers a new way of looking at Irish foreign policy, linking its development with changes in Irish national identity. Many debates within contemporary international relations focus on the relative benefits of taking a traditional interest-based approach to the study of foreign policy as opposed to the more recently developed identity-based approach. This book takes the latter and, instead of looking at Irish foreign policy through the lens of individual, geo-strategic or political interests, is linked to deeper identity changes. As one Minister of Foreign Affairs put it; ‘Irish foreign policy is about much more than self-interest. The elaboration of our foreign policy is also a matter of self-definition—simply put, it is for many of us a statement of the kind of people that we are’. Using this approach, four grand narratives are identified which, it is argued, have served to shape the course of Irish foreign policy and which have, in turn, been impacted by the course of Ireland's international experience. The roots and significance of each of these narratives; Ireland as a European Republic, as a Global Citizen, as an Anglo-American State and as an Irish Nation are then outlined and their significance assessed. The shape of Irish foreign-policy-making structures is then drawn out and the usefulness of this book's approach to Irish foreign policy is then considered in three brief case studies: Ireland's European experience, its neutrality and Irish policy towards the 2003 Iraq War.
Commission now seeks to change the basis of cooperation
between the two groups (CEC, 1997).
The Commission has presented these changes to the ACP as though no
other alternative exists. One point made in this chapter is that the choice is a
political one and is by no means inevitable. The chapter provides an analysis
of the politicalinterests at stake in the trade liberalisation debate. In particular it identifies the CAP as the centrepiece of a significant political debate about
how best to protect domestic interests from the vagaries of the world market
the ‘melting pot’ of peoples that exists in the USA.
Nationalism and the serving of politicalinterests
In any study of politics one sooner or
later comes across the issue of who gains from a political programme and who
loses. In the case of nationalism, there is a considerable debate among
political scientists as to who benefits from nationalism as an ideology.
Nationalism can be seen as being
instrumental account of Croatian
national identity, agreeing with Gellner that nationalism creates nations where
none exist.2 He interpreted Croatian national identity as the product of an
aggressive nationalism informed by the politicalinterests of social elites. Many
other writers, including Ivo Banac, Marcus Tanner and Mirjana Gross, agreed
with Glenny about this.
The other prominent approach to Croatian national identity was unmodified
primordialism. The encyclopedic work of Francis Eterovich and Christopher
Spalatin, the nationalist histories of Ivo Periç and Simon
. More and more ‘influential
Americans have come to believe that Britain has been claiming influence out
of proportion to its power’. 14
New, documentary based interpretations of the Anglo-American
relationship underlining the unifying impact of culture and sentiment are
less common than those emphasising shared politicalinterests, periodic
crises and frequent compromise – what Alex Danchev calls the
Ottoman Asia, had the opposite effect – the withdrawal of British
support and influence, which eventually resulted in German support of,
and influence, in Constantinople.
By the mid-nineteenth century, Europe had significant
commercial, financial, spiritual and politicalinterests in the Ottoman
Empire. In the eighteenth century, France and Russia had led the way
– the former in the Mediterranean and the
2006, when a technical fix tamed politicalinterests.
Harmonisation and transposition of the EU acquis communautaire
The EU’s common body of law (the acquis in Eurospeak) is composed of
non-binding communications, recommendations and guidelines (i.e. ‘soft acquis’)
Framing EU membership
and directives, decisions and regulations (i.e. ‘hard acquis’), which are binding on
member states. The Commission disseminates its work on EU enlargement and
candidate countries to the public in a ‘communication’ format. A communication
-determined by the ‘justice industry’ and depended on the socio-technological offer (what solutions were at hand) as well as politicalinterests. While Ferguson ( 1994 ) found that development professionals invent ‘development problems’ for which they have solutions at hand but which do not necessarily correspond to actual problems, the ‘problem–capacity nexus’ in transitional justice in Tunisia may be skewed in a different direction. Transitional justice practice and scholarship have sought to identify ‘transitional justice problems’ more accurately by broadening their focus