movement (LRM, launched in April 2016) and standing for the French presidential election. At the very least, he is a political entrepreneur and a risk-taker.
Focusing on the individual qualities of a political leader is a necessary (though not sufficient) exercise (Burns, 1978 ). Most models of politicalleadership involve some combination of personal qualities or character traits, positional strengths and weaknesses, and wider environmental and cultural constraints and opportunities (Ahlquist and Levi, 2011 ; Berrington, 1974 ; Blondel, 1987 ; Drake, 2000
Local politicalleadership and
The introduction of directly elected mayors into the English local political
landscape has brought an additional dimension to political representation and new electoral opportunities for the voters to cast a judgement
on their local political leaders. Moreover, the oﬃce of elected mayor
throws into sharp relief distinctions between representative democracy
and representative government: the former comprises political processes
which allow citizens to have an ‘indirect’ participation in
developed to react to the usual, much smaller epidemics of the disease ( MSF, 2016a ).
When in 2014 recommendations were made at the European Parliament that
‘the lead [for the response] should be given to an NGO [non-governmental
organisation] – in this case, Médecins Sans
Frontières’, MSF directors insisted that it had ‘neither
the legitimacy nor the skills nor the desire to take on the politicalleadership
of the Ebola crisis in West Africa’ ( Nierle
Why did it take the Conservative Party so long to recover power? After a landslide defeat in 1997, why was it so slow to adapt, reposition itself and rebuild its support? How did the party leadership seek to reconstruct conservatism and modernise its electoral appeal? This highly readable book addresses these questions through a contextualised assessment of Conservative Party politics between 1997 and 2010. By tracing the debates over strategy amongst the party elite, and scrutinising the actions of the leadership, it situates David Cameron and his ‘modernising’ approach in relation to that of his three immediate predecessors: Michael Howard, Iain Duncan Smith and William Hague. This holistic view, encompassing this period of opposition in its entirety, aids the identification of strategic trends and conflicts and a comprehension of the evolving Conservative response to New Labour’s statecraft. Secondly, the book considers in depth four particular dilemmas for contemporary Conservatism: European integration; national identity and the ‘English Question’; social liberalism versus social authoritarianism; and the problems posed by a neo-liberal political economy. The book argues that the ideological legacy of Thatcherism played a central role in framing and shaping these intraparty debates, and that an appreciation of this is vital for explaining the nature and limits of the Conservatives’ renewal under Cameron. Students of British politics, party politics and ideologies will find this volume essential reading, and it will also be of great interest to anyone concerned with furthering their understanding of contemporary British political history.
How do leading Conservative figures strive to communicate with and influence the electorate? Why have some proven more effective than others in advancing their personal positions and ideological agendas? How do they seek to connect with their audience in different settings, such as the party conference, House of Commons, and through the media? This book draws analytical inspiration from the Aristotelian modes of persuasion to shine new and insightful light upon the articulation of British conservatism, examining the oratory and rhetoric of twelve key figures from Conservative Party politics. The individual orators featured are Stanley Baldwin, Winston Churchill, Harold Macmillan, Iain Macleod, Enoch Powell, Keith Joseph, Margaret Thatcher, Michael Heseltine, John Major, William Hague, Boris Johnson, and David Cameron. Each chapter is written by an expert in the field and explores how its subject attempted to use oratory to advance their agenda within the party and beyond. This is the first book to analyse Conservative Party politics in this way, and along with its companion volume, Labour Orators from Bevan to Miliband, marks an important new departure in the analysis of British politics. It will be of particular interest to students of Conservative Party politics, conservatism more broadly, British political history, ideologies and party politics, and communication studies.
The book explores the changing nature of the roles powers, tasks, functions, expectations and challenges of the office of councillor and those that are elected to that office. Based on detailed and long-term research among councillors it examines the contribution the office makes to the governance of the nation and the role councillors play in bringing legitimacy and accountability to unelected governance networks. It examines, in detail, the work councillors conduct within their councils and communities and how being a councillor influences and affects all facets of their life. The book explores the strategies councillors devise to take political action, energise political change and deal with the limitations on their office, to effectively govern their localities. Through an analysis of important inquires and commissions that have investigated the office of councillor, the book examines the tendency of government to re-shape and re-structure the office to suit its own policy requirements or visions of the purpose of local government and of councillors. The book examines the affects of the constancy of change on the work councillors conduct and the roles they play in the government of communities and the country. The book sets out ways in which local government and the office of councillor could be strengthened within the overall governing framework to construct a localised state that offers maximum diversity of local policy and politics. The book recognises and celebrates the contribution councillors make to their communities, councils and to the quality of local and national democracy.
This book looks at the period 2015–18 in French politics, a turbulent time that witnessed the apparent collapse of the old party system, the taming of populist and left-wing challenges to the Republic and the emergence of a new political order centred on President Emmanuel Macron. The election of Macron was greeted with relief in European chancelleries and appeared to give a new impetus to European integration, even accomplishing the feat of making France attractive after a long period of French bashing and reflexive decline. But what is the real significance of the Macron presidency? Is it as transformative as it appears? Emmanuel Macron and the remaking of France provides a balanced answer to this pressing question. It is written to appeal to a general readership with an interest in French and European politics, as well as to students and scholars of French politics.
respondents’ positive attitude to celebrity politics represented
a challenge to the traditional conduct of politics. Yet while celebrities
seemed more genuine and trustworthy than politicians, our respondents did not advocate a radical restructuring of the political system. In
particular, despite the criticisms they made of elected representatives,
they held to a quite traditional view of ‘the politician’. As they discussed
the suitability of different celebrities for politicalleadership, it became
apparent that for the majority of our respondents it seemed inconceivable
experience, so far, of English elected
mayors, it is not the story of twelve individuals, nor is it an attempt to
produce a league table of eﬃciency in oﬃce and the quality of politicalleadership provided. Rather, the book considers not only the experiences
of particular mayors, but also the whole notion of directly elected politicalleadership and its place within English governance. The book draws out
broad lessons from the mayoral experiment for local government and
democracy, and oﬀers a framework for understanding direct election to
executive political oﬃce within
of the difficulties encountered by any prior intervention.
The clientelistic and guilt mentality is at odds with a rational approach.
The reason for Greece’s backwardness in this area is the inability of the
politicalleaderships to transcend personal pursuits. The guild set-up and the
clientelistic mentality make political success dependent on the ability to distribute jobs and hand-outs. That is what politicians are interested in: providing
services to their clients and satisfying their demands. The prospect of programmes, ideas, modernisation plans, shaking the