Historians and political scientists have deemed the twentieth century 'the Conservative Century', owing to the electoral and cultural dominance of the Conservative Party in Britain. This book traces the relationship among women, gender and the Conservative Party from the 1880s to the present, and thereby seeks to fill that gap. A gender inclusive approach allows for a more nuanced understanding of political machinations, power and the unprecedented popularity of both conservatism and unionism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The suffragette Christabel Pankhurst, was regarded as a charismatic, radical figure, who was the co-leader of the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU), a notorious suffrage organization campaigning for the parliamentary vote for women in Edwardian Britain. In 1928 Lady Iveagh, Vice-Chairman of the National Union of Conservative Associations (NUCA), claimed that one million women were members of the Conservative Party. The book focuses on how the Primrose League re-made itself for its female members between 1914 and 1932. It shows that the Conservative Party leadership and male candidates were keen to present themselves as the champions of home interests, playing up their family-man credentials against their rowdy electoral culture of Labour. The book also examines inquires how the deliberate choice of middlebrow rhetoric as well as the language of citizenship enabled Conservative women to construct a cross-class language of democracy. It explores British conservatism, highlighting the history of the Tory Party as part of the study of women and their sectional interest in 'the politics of gender'.
inclusive approach also allows
for a more nuanced understanding of politicalmachinations, power and the unprecedented popularity of both conservatism and unionism in the late nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries.
Women were drawn into more formal political associations not by any evolutionary process from their early political activism, but by a combination of party
self-interest and the impending political crisis over Irish home rule. Conservatives
were conscious of the need to widen their support base beyond the traditional
Rethinking right-wing women
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
This work demonstrates that resistance to occupation by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy during the Second World War has to be seen through a transnational, not a national, lens. It explores how people often resisted outside their country of origin because they were migrants, refugees or exiles who were already on the move. It traces their trajectories and encounters with other resisters and explores their experiences, including changes of beliefs, practices and identities. The book is a powerful, subtle and thought-provoking alternative to works on the Second World War that focus on single countries or on grand strategy. It is a ‘bottom up’ story of extraordinary individuals and groups who resisted oppression from Spain to the Soviet Union and the Balkans. It challenges the standard chronology of the war, beginning with the formation of the International Brigades in Spain and following through to the onset of the Cold War and the foundation of the state of Israel. This is a collective project by a team of international historians led by Robert Gildea, author of Fighters in the Shadows: A New History of the French Resistance (Faber & Faber, 2015). These have explored archives across Europe, the USA, Russia and Israel in order to unearth scores of fascinating individual stories which are woven together into themed chapters and a powerful new interpretation. The book is aimed at undergraduates and graduates working on twentieth-century Europe and the Second World War or interested in the possibilities of transnational history.
international affairs. Chapter 3 examines the underlying dynamics of the war on terror. The key elements of this involve the
shift to a new imperialist trajectory by the US, the rise of New Labour in
Britain and the emergence of radical Islamic terrorism during the 1990s.
Detailing the US and British response to the 9/11 attacks, the events surrounding the invasion of Afghanistan as well as the government’s initial
legislative reaction are also considered. Chapter 4 covers the events surrounding the invasion of Iraq. The core themes in this centre on the political
-Briand pact outlawing
war than an effective attempt to rid Europe of the scourge of war.
Yet this brief moment of European unity in the face of the Turkish
threat (or so it was presented) set the scene for an Anglo-French
rapprochement and a meeting in a field near Calais that was
described by one contemporary as the eighth wonder of the world.
This rare expression of Anglo-French brotherly love took months
to plan and a fortune to stage. As Sydney Anglo has noted:
The display and propaganda of 1520 seem, amidst the politicalmachinations of the great powers, like some
, lie bungalows of a medium sort, half hidden in the native growth of bushes and small trees, mimosas and thorns – their own small sandy paths lead from them down the bluffs to the shore’. 9 In more recent times, the resort has become a haven for China’s Communist Party elite; they export the politicalmachinations of the capital there each summer, as they have for decades now, turning it into a sort of Zhongnanhai-on-Sea.
Beyond first trips further afield to the Great Wall, and the Imperial Tombs just outside Beijing, the other diversions
success is historically accurate, the way the show
portrays Octavian (who is to become Augustus) is rather different from
the benign Augustus of later years that we encountered in I, Claudius.
In addition to the resurgent popularity of storylines set in antiquity
at the turn of the millennium, several scholars highlight the particular
advantages of television over film for exploring these themes. Blanshard
and Shahabudin (2011: 79) argue that ‘the extended format allowed the
various intricate politicalmachinations of Caesar, Mark Antony, and
Octavian to develop over
Controversies over gaps within EU crisis management policy
Roger Mac Ginty, Sandra Pogodda, and Oliver P. Richmond
timeframes. For the EU, there are a mix of technocratic timeframes
(connected with budgetary cycles, programmatic log-frames and the tenure
of staff) and political timeframes (connected with politicalmachinations within the EU and electoral cycles within member states).
Yet these timeframes may have little resonance or meaning at the site of
intervention. Here national and local political
modest yet tangible overtures to the Chinese – a relaxation
of the travel ban, the promotion of expanded contacts, and a shift
toward conciliatory rhetoric – that went beyond the conflict management tactics of the Eisenhower-Kennedy years, while the internal
upheaval occasioned by Mao’s politicalmachinations gradually
instilled guarded hope among China watchers and US decision-makers
that a new era of relations with the mainland’s moderate elements,
presumably inclined toward reconciliation with the outside world,
was in the offing. As official attitudes thawed