6 The parliamentary context of political radicalism in the English revolution Jason Peacey During at least certain moments of extreme political tension during the English revolution, the process of petitioning Parliament could be a risky enterprise. This might seem to be an unexceptional statement, given scholarly familiarity with the fact that the Long Parliament became nervous about radical agitation during the late 1640s, and with the fact that the ideas of army activists and Levellers centred in no small part upon the assertion of the right to petition
The role of the Home Office in the Peterloo Massacre remains contentious. This article assesses the available evidence from the Home Office and the private correspondence of Home Secretary Viscount Sidmouth to contest E. P. Thompson’s claim that the Home Office ‘assented’ to the arrest of Henry Hunt at St Peter’s Fields. Peterloo is placed within the context of government’s response to political radicalism to show how the Tory ministry had no clear counter-radical strategy in the months leading up to the August event. The article further argues that although the Home Office may not have assented to forceful intervention on the day, the event and its aftermath were needed to justify the Six Acts which would ultimately cripple the reform movement.
Jean Toomer‘s Cane (1923) has long been considered a signature text of both avant-garde Modernism and the Harlem Renaissance. While Gothic tropes and imagery lurk throughout Toomer‘s collection of poetry and prose, Anglo-American Gothic conventions come to the foreground in the story ‘Blood-Burning Moon’. The story‘s interracial love triangle provides a locus of conflict between the post-Reconstruction American South and the haunting economic logic of slavery. Though the three characters each aspire to new racial, sexual and economic identities, they are terrorized by a society where employer-employee relations cannot escape the violence of the master-slave dialectic. Toomer does not relinquish his aesthetic experimentation and political radicalism to the Anglo-American Gothic, but instead engages the Gothic form in order to critique the violent racism of American capitalism. In this way, Toomer positions the Gothic centrally within African-American literary and cultural history.
This book explores the diverse literary, film and visionary creations of the polymathic and influential British artist Clive Barker. It presents groundbreaking essays that critically reevaluate Barker's oeuvre. These include in-depth analyses of his celebrated and lesser known novels, short stories, theme park designs, screen and comic book adaptations, film direction and production, sketches and book illustrations, as well as responses to his material from critics and fan communities. The book examines Barker's earlier fiction and its place within British horror fiction and socio-cultural contexts. Selected tales from the Books of Blood are exemplary in their response to the frustrations and political radicalism of the 1980s British cultural anxieties. Aiming to rally those who stand defiant of Thatcher's polarising vision of neoliberal British conservatism, Weaveworld is revealed to be a savage indictment of 1980s British politics. The book explores Barker's transition from author to filmmaker, and how his vision was translated, captured, and occasionally compromised in its adaptation from page to the screen. Barker's work contains features which can be potentially read as feminine and queer, positioning them within traditions of the Gothic, the melodrama and the fantastic. The book examines Barker's works, especially Hellraiser, Nightbreed, and Lord of Illusions, through the critical lenses of queer culture, desire, and brand recognition. It considers Barker's complex and multi-layered marks in the field, exploring and re-evaluating his works, focusing on Tortured Souls and Mister B. Gone's new myths of the flesh'.
importance of the role played by the political and ecclesiastical elites, examining the importance of the legislative measures introduced by the Federal Government. It will also evaluate the mood of the refugees and expellees and suggest that the prevailing climate of anti-communism in the FRG in the 1950s acted as an important deterrent to political radicalism and served as a unifying ideology for both natives and refugees. The Occupying Powers played a major role in averting widespread political radicalisation in the early post-war years. The American and British
essential context. They open gateways into topics without which understanding of philanthropy is diminished: poverty and the Poor Laws; slavery and anti-slavery; political radicalism; mutualism; civil society; national identity; gender; poetry and fiction; empire; voluntary societies and volunteering; citizenship; the welfare state. Philanthropy occupied for a time a prominent place in public discourse. Well-known people – perhaps they could be called ‘public intellectuals’ – assessed its merits and demerits. They included Adam Smith, William Godwin, William Wordsworth
of another Albion”: the Books of Blood and the horror of 1980s Britain’ explores Barker's particular manifestations of 1980s British cultural anxieties, examining how selected tales from the Books of Blood are exemplary in their response to the frustrations and political radicalism of the period. Ripped from the headlines of Thatcher's divided Britain, Jones captures the vivid and
poverty, outlining as well the crime, treachery, and violence that came with the dissipation of the old paternal order. From that point on, it is generally held that fictional modes of political radicalism gradually went from satire to melodrama in order for Chartists to reach the broadest audience possible, one that would include, for example, Lloyd’s readers. Sally Ledger argues that ‘Chartism’s turn to the popular was inspired by the need to compete with the new commercial popular press that developed in the 1840s and whose political clout among the masses was to
adoption by progressives of sexually radical practices and beliefs drawn from spiritualism, positivism, Swedenborgianism and secularism highlights the importance of considering longer-term continuities across the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in narratives of sexual change. Furthermore, while these religious heterodoxies may not have been transmitted through the progressives’ families, political radicalism certainly was, often providing a pathway to their initial rejection of respectable conformity. For example, the Chartism of Charles Pearce’s father and Ruskin
the fourteenth century began to be used to reflect on parliamentary power and on the House of Commons, and to discuss the possibility of deposing and executing ‘unprofitable’ kings and of electing and binding their successors. This will be done not only to draw attention to an important shift in parliamentarian rhetoric regarding the king and parliament but also to establish the protean nature of the medieval past, and to suggest that the treatment of medieval parliaments proves revealing about incipient political radicalism in the opening weeks and months of the